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Viết về chủ tịch Hồ Chí Minh 

Phương Nam - Australia 

“Bao nhiêu sao sáng bấy nhiêu anh hùng v́ dân, mà bác Hồ ngôi sao sáng vô ngần, cuộc đời của bác chói ngời gương người cộng sản, quyết làm theo lời bác dạy khuyên. Quê hương yêu dấu Bắc - Nam chung một ḍng máu, đoàn kết bên nhau đàn cháu ngoan của bác Hồ,..., nguyện xứng cháu của bác Hồ Chí Minh...”. 

Có thể nói rằng ở Việt Nam không ai lại không biết đến CT HỒ Chí Minh. Các thế hệ thanh, thiếu niên, nhi đồng lại càng được giáo dục kỹ lưỡng về ông. Những bài hát như trên là xuất hiện ở mọi lúc mọi nơi, dù ông mất đă hơn 30 năm nay. Trên các phương tiện thông tin đại chúng, trong sách giáo khoa các cấp cũng luôn nói tới ông từ chuyện lớn đến chuyện nhỏ. Tất cả đều nhằm mục đích làm cho mọi người hiểu rằng: không bao giờ được quên công lao to lớn của ông đối với dân tộc và kêu gọi tất cả hăy "Sống, chiến đấu, lao động và học tập theo gương chủ tịch Hồ Chí Minh vĩ đại." 

Tài Liệu Giáo Dục Công Dân lớp 7, Nhà Xuất Bản Giáo Dục năm 1997, trang 53 có một bài đọc thêm nhan đề: Tinh Hoa Của Dân Tộc Việt Nam Góp Phần Vào Tinh Hoa Thế Giới, nội dung khẳng định một sự kiện là: Vào năm 1990, nhân dịp kỷ niệm lần thứ 100 ngày sinh của Hồ Chủ Tịch, Tổ Chức Giáo Dục, Khoa Học Và Văn Hóa của Liên Hiệp Quốc, tức UNESCO (United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization), đă ra một nghị quyết công nhận ông là danh nhân văn hóa thế giới. Trong đó có đoạn:  

“ ... Chủ tịch Hồ Chí Minh là một hiện tượng kiệt xuất về quyết tâm của cả một dân tộc, đă cống hiến trọn đời ḿnh cho sự nghiệp giải phóng cho nhân dân Việt Nam, góp phần vào cuộc đấu tranh chung của các dân tộc v́ ḥa b́nh, độc lập dân tộc, dân chủ và tiến bộ.”  

(trích nghị quyết UNESCO, sách đă dẫn.) 

Trong bài Chủ Tịch Hồ Chí Minh, Danh Nhân Văn Hóa Của Nhân Loại, bộ trưởng ngoại giao Nguyễn Dy Niên, nguyên chủ tịch ủy ban UNESCO Việt Nam , viết vào tháng 5 năm 2000 vừa qua cũng tiếp tục khẳng định như vậy. ( Xem: Danh Nhân Văn Hóa - Nguyễn Dy Niên).

Dù có ư đọc kỹ nhưng tôi không thấy cả hai bài viết trên ghi cụ thể đấy là nghị quyết số mấy? Kư ngày nào và ai đă kư nó? Như thông thường đối với việc trích dẫn một nghị quyết quan trọng như thế. Tuy nhiên ở nước ngoài, v́ có điều kiện được tiếp cận với những nguồn tài liệu khác th́ tôi lại thấy những bài viết quả quyết rằng: không hề có một nghị quyết nào như vậy cả. Điều đó có nghĩa là CT Hồ Chí Minh chưa bao giờ được UNESCO công nhận là danh nhân văn hóa thế giới, mà ông mới chỉ có tên trong danh sách được đề cử, rồi dừng lại ở đó thôi. 

Nhận thấy đây là một vấn đề lớn cần làm rơ, v́ dù ai có chấp nhận hay không th́ trong thực tế ông cũng đă là nhân vật lịch sử của Việt Nam trong thế kỷ thứ 20 vừa qua. C̣n cái lịch sử ấy đă và sẽ tiếp tục diễn ra như thế nào? Tốt hay xấu? v.v… th́ đó không phải là mục đích chính mà tôi muốn đề cập đến trong bài viết này. 

Ngoài ra c̣n là vấn đề bức xúc hơn, nó liên quan đến sự nghiệp trồng người của dân tộc: những học sinh lớp 7 kia rồi sẽ lớn lên, và với thời đại bùng nổ thông tin như ngày nay th́ việc các em được tiếp cận với những nguồn tài liệu khác là rất dễ dàng. Khi ấy liệu các em c̣n biết tin vào đâu? Nguồn nào đúng, c̣n nguồn nào sai? Nếu chúng tự phát hiện ra sự thật lại ngược hẳn với những ǵ đă được dạy dỗ từ nhỏ đến lớn th́ sao? Từ đó rất có thể chúng sẽ oán trách các thế hệ cha anh đă lừa dối chúng, rồi cứ theo cái vết ṃn ấy, biết đâu chúng lại đi lừa dối tiếp những thế hệ sau th́ hậu quả sẽ tai hại biết nhường nào? Cả một dân tộc cứ đi lừa dối lẫn nhau măi như vậy th́ dân tộc ấy sẽ đi về đâu? v.v…

 Chính v́ những lư do trên mà ở phần dưới đây, tôi xin được nêu ra một số câu hỏi liên quan đến thân thế và sự nghiệp của CT Hồ Chí Minh mà đến nay vẫn chưa được làm rơ. Tôi rất mong các nhà nghiên cứu ở cả trong và ngoài nước, vốn quan tâm đến lịch sử Việt Nam hiện đại, nhất là đến thế hệ trẻ Việt Nam tương lai hăy giải đáp giúp. Tôi nghĩ rằng đây không chỉ đơn thuần là mối quan tâm của riêng tôi - một độc giả, mà c̣n là của hàng chục triệu phụ huynh học sinh đang có con cháu ḿnh đi học ở Việt Nam . Những câu hỏi của tôi là: 

 1- Có phải trước khi xuống tầu buôn Pháp làm phụ bếp vào ngày 5 tháng 6 năm 1911 th́ chàng trai 21 tuổi Nguyễn Tất Thành, với tên mới là Văn Ba đă có sẵn ư định ra đi t́m đường cứu nước hay chưa? Nếu anh Ba đă có sẵn mục đích rơ ràng như sau này anh kể lại:  

“ …Tôi muốn được đi ra ngoài, xem nước Pháp và các nước khác. Sau khi xem xét họ làm như thế nào, tôi sẽ trở về giúp đồng bào ta...”th́ thật đáng quư biết bao. Tuy nhiên nó lại mâu thuẫn với một sự kiện sau do những tài liệu ở nước ngoài viết rằng:  

Ngày 15.9.1911, khi vừa đặt chân đến cảng Mác-Xây (Marseille) - Pháp, tức là chỉ hơn 3 tháng sau khi rời bến Nhà Rồng - Sài G̣n th́ anh Thành đă vội viết đơn xin được vào học nội trú Trường Thuộc Địa (Ecole Coloniale). Nhưng đă bị nhà trường từ chối với lư do:  

Đơn không được xét v́ anh là đối tượng di chuyển tự túc đến Pháp chứ không phải được tuyển chọn từ xứ Đông Dương sang, theo như quyết định ban hành ngày 30.4.1910 của Bộ Thuộc Địa Pháp.  

(lá đơn này do ông Nguyễn Thế Anh sưu tầm được trong văn khố Pháp ngày 2.2.1983, có sao chụp lại cẩn thận. Cũng cần lưu ư rằng: theo những tài liệu trong nước th́ Trường Thuộc Địa là nơi chuyên đào tạo những tên Việt gian phản động, tay sai của thực dân Pháp lúc bấy giờ .) 

Giả sử câu chuyện trên là có thật th́ sẽ có thêm một câu hỏi hệ quả là: Nếu năm 1911 Trường Thuộc Địa chọn anh Thành, th́ 9 năm sau anh có c̣n chọn con đường của Lênin cho cách mạng Việt Nam nữa hay thôi?  

(theo suy luận chủ quan của tôi th́ có lẽ là anh Thành sẽ … thôi!). 

2- Phải chăng lư do chính rời nước ra đi của anh Thành là bởi trước đó một năm, trong gia đ́nh anh có một biến động lớn đă diễn ra? Đó là:  

Năm 1910, cha anh là ông Nguyễn Sinh Huy, tức cụ phó bảng Nguyễn Sinh Sắc (1863 - 1929), tri huyện B́nh Khê - B́nh Định, trong một cơn say rượu đă sai người đánh chết anh nông dân tên là Tạ Đức Quang bằng roi và gậy. Sở mật thám Pháp sau khi điều tra xong đă kết ông vào tội ngộ sát khi đang say rượu. Hội Đồng Nhiếp Chánh tại Huế sau đó đă ra quyết định kỷ luật ông: hạ bốn bậc trong ngạch quan lại thời bấy giờ, bị triệu hồi về Huế, rồi cuối cùng là bị sa thải luôn. (bà Thanh con gái ông cũng kể : ông là người nghiện rượu nặng, hồi nhỏ bà vẫn thường bị bố đánh rất đau bằng roi, có khi c̣n quẳng cả roi đi để đánh bằng tay.). 

Một số tài liệu lịch sử trong nước th́ viết rằng:  

"Cụ Sắc nhà nghèo, ham học, thông minh, thi đậu phó bảng, “bị ép” ra làm quan. Có lần cụ nói: " Quan trường là chốn nô lệ trong những người nô lệ, lại càng nô lệ hơn.". Cụ thường làm những việc trái ư bọn quan lại, nên bị cách chức." 

Như vậy là giữa hai nguồn tài liệu đă có những điểm mâu thuẫn lớn cần làm rơ, nhất là lư do ra khỏi chốn quan trường của ông: phải chăng ông ra khỏi đấy v́ như ông nói là không muốn bị "nô lệ hơn" trong số những người nô lệ? Hay là bởi rượu đă đưa ông ra? Và v́ bị ra khỏi chốn ấy nên ông lại càng uống nó nhiều hơn? 

Cũng qua những sách báo ở trong nước kể lại th́: khi từ chiến khu Việt Bắc trở về Hà Nội sau chiến thắng Điện Biên Phủ (tháng 10.1954), ông đi thăm rất nhiều vùng quê trên miền Bắc, đi ra nước ngoài, v.v…  

Nhưng riêng quê ông th́ măi tới tháng 6.1957, tức là gần 3 năm sau ông mới về thăm lần đầu. Có cái ǵ đó không ổn trong tinh thần v́ nước quên… quê của ông không? Hay ông ngại nhân dân, cán bộ và chiến sỹ biết được tấn bi kịch trên của gia đ́nh ḿnh? 

3- Ai là người đă viết cuốn Những Mẩu Chuyện Về Đời Hoạt Động Của Hồ Chủ Tịch vào mùa xuân năm 1948? Cuốn sách ghi tác giả tên là Trần Dân Tiên. Năm 1985, giáo sư Hà Minh Đức đă xuất bản cuốn Những Tác Phẩm Văn Của Chủ Tịch Hồ Chí Minh, trong đó có đoạn:

“ ... Đáp lại t́nh cảm mong muốn của đồng bào và bạn bè trên thế giới. Hồ Chủ Tịch với bút danh Trần Dân Tiên đă viết tác phẩm Những Mẩu Chuyện Về Đời Hoạt Động Của Hồ Chủ Tịch,...”. (Hà Minh Đức, sách đă dẫn, Tr 132, NXB Khoa Học Xă Hội, Hà Nội, 1985). 

Như vậy có nghĩa là tác giả Trần Dân Tiên và Hồ Chủ Tịch thực ra chỉ là một người. Giáo sư Nguyễn Khánh Toàn, người biết rất rơ ông từ những năm 1930s, khi cả hai cùng học tập và làm việc ở Liên Xô đă viết lời tựa cho cuốn sách cũng đă khẳng định như vậy. Tôi tin là hai giáo sư ấy viết đúng, v́ 2 lẽ: thứ nhất, đó là việc rất quan trọng mà nếu nói sai th́ chính hai giáo sư có thể sẽ bị mang họa, chắc chắn là hai ông đă cân nhắc rất kỹ trước đó. Thứ hai, cứ theo tư duy lôgic mà suy luận: nếu ông Trần Dân Tiên và cụ Hồ là hai người th́ nay ông Trần Dân Tiên kia đâu? C̣n sống hay đă chết? Nếu sống th́ bao nhiêu tuổi rồi? Vợ, con ra sao? Nếu chết th́ chết vào năm nào? Hiện chôn ở đâu? v.v… 

C̣n một khi lại chỉ là một người th́ xét theo khía cạnh nào cũng đều không ổn. Chúng ta hăy nghe một vài đoạn Chủ Tịch Hồ Chí Minh viết về … Hồ Chủ Tịch như sau :  

“ ... Bác Hồ của chúng ta vô cùng khiêm tốn; Bác không muốn kể cho ai nghe về hoạt động của ḿnh; rồi Bác Hồ được nhân dân ta coi là cha già của dân tộc; Bác c̣n vĩ đại hơn Lê Lợi, Trần Hưng Đạo v́ đă đưa dân tộc ta vào kỷ nguyên xă hội chủ nghĩa.”!và:  

“ ... Một người như Hồ Chủ Tịch của chúng ta với đức tinh khiêm tốn nhường ấy và đang lúc bề bộn biết bao nhiêu công việc, làm sao có thể kể cho tôi nghe b́nh sinh của Người được?...”! 

(Trần Dân Tiên, sách đă dẫn). Cũng cần lưu ư rằng vào năm 1948 th́ vị "cha già của dân tộc" ấy mới có 58 tuổi! (1890 – 1948). 

Trong thực tế nhân loại cũng đă có những người dùng quyền lực hay tiền bạc để bắt người khác ca ngợi ḿnh. Nhưng nếu Hồ Chủ Tịch lại tự ḿnh đứng ra "dầy công vun đắp" nên điều đó th́ quả là chuyện xưa nay hiếm! Tôi cũng không rơ là những người đang cố gắng "giữ ǵn và bảo vệ tư tưởng Hồ Chí Minh" có coi đây như là một trong những “yếu tố cấu thành” nên tư tưởng của ông hay không? Và giả sử ở dưới cơi âm kia, nếu ông gặp các vị cách mạng đàn anh khác như Lê Nin, Stalin, Mao Trạch Đông, v.v… th́ không nói. Nhưng nếu rủI thay, ông lại gặp các cụ Trần Hưng Đạo, Lê Lợi th́ biết "ăn, nói" thế nào cho phải với những vị anh hùng chân chính của dân tộc ấy đây? 

Một điều nữa đáng lo ngại hơn: trong cuốn Dàn Bài Tập Làm Văn lớp 7,  

(NXB Giáo Dục 1997, Tr 39). Tức là đă 12 năm, sau khi tác phẩm của giáo sư Hà Minh Đức nói trên được xuất bản, th́ các tác giả biên soạn cuốn sách giáo khoa kia vẫn tiếp tục mập mờ mà không chịu viết thẳng ra đấy là hai hay chỉ có một người. Nếu cứ cung cấp thông tin và bắt các thầy cô giáo dạy học sinh theo kiểu này, th́ đến ngay như người lớn cũng c̣n bị nhiễu loạn chứ nói ǵ đến trẻ con? 

Hồi đất nước c̣n chiến tranh, tôi đă được một sỹ quan QĐND Việt Nam cho xem cuốn nhật kư của anh, trong đó có đoạn:  

“ Hà Nội ngày 2 tháng 9 năm 1969.  

Hôm nay Đài Tiếng Nói Việt Nam báo tin Bác Hồ bị bệnh nặng. Bác ơi! Chúng cháu hiểu là chúng cháu thật có lỗi với Bác, v́ đất nước đến lúc này vẫn c̣n bị nỗi đau chia cắt. Đơn vị của chúng cháu đă được vinh dự nhận lệnh vào miền Nam chiến đấu, chỉ vài hôm nữa thôi là lên đường. Cháu xin hứa với Bác rằng: dù phải trải qua gian khổ, hy sinh đến đâu th́ chúng cháu cũng quyết tâm hoàn thành mọi nhiệm vụ mà đảng và quân đội giao phó; góp phần giải phóng miền Nam, thống nhất Tổ Quốc, để sớm được đón Bác vào thăm đồng chí, đồng bào trong ấy. ” 

Cũng cùng một tinh thần đó, từ miền Nam , nhà thơ Lê Anh Xuân viết ra:  

Gửi miền Bắc ḷng miền Nam chung thủy
Đang xông lên chống Mỹ tuyến đầu. 

Nghĩa là tất cả đều hướng lên Ba Đ́nh tràn đầy một niềm tin trong sáng, một niềm kính trọng vô biên. Bởi v́ ở nơi ấy "có Trung Ương Đảng, có bác Hồ" luôn chỉ lối dẫn đường cho cách mạng Việt Nam tiến lên. 

Theo tôi, nếu trong một cuộc chiến tranh, giả sử tất cả những yếu tố khác đều ngang nhau, th́ bên nào có thêm yếu tố tin tưởng và kính yêu lănh tụ như trên là sẽ rất có lợi thế để giành chiến thắng. Thế nhưng, nếu v́ muốn trở thành một “ngôi sao sáng vô ngần”, mà chính vị lănh tụ lại cho ra đời một sản phẩm kiểu như Những Mẩu Chuyện Về Đời Hoạt Động Của Hồ Chủ Tịch th́ lại là điều không thể chấp nhận được. Bởi v́ đó thực chất là quan điểm đạt mục đích bằng mọi cách, kể cả những cách rất thiếu tử tế: chủ động đi hủy hoại những giá trị văn hóa của nhân loại nói chung và dân tộc nói riêng, mà hậu quả để lại sẽ rất nặng nề cho hậu thế. Bằng cách đó ở một giai đoạn nhất định, có thể ông cũng tự đưa được uy tín của ḿnh lên vị trí rất cao trong ḷng một bộ phận dân tộc. Xong nếu xét về lâu về dài, khi phần lớn đă nhận ra sự thật th́ h́nh ảnh:  

"… Trùng trùng đoàn quân tiến bước theo con đường của Bác, nở ngàn hoa chiến công ta dâng lên Người,..." sẽ trở nên trớ trêu, phũ phàng và thật đáng xấu hổ với bạn bè thế giới. 

Tôi cũng được biết một câu chuyện sau: gia đ́nh ấy có 2 anh em, người anh đi bộ đội, c̣n người em gái ở lại nhà và lấy chồng. Năm 1954 khi người anh từ chiến khu trở về th́ em gái ḿnh đă cùng chồng di cư vào Nam . Sau gần 30 năm xa cách, hai anh em mới được gặp lại nhau, khi người em ra Bắc bốc mộ cho chồng - ông bị chết trong thời gian học tập cải tạo ở ngoài ấy. Cô em nói trong nước mắt giận hờn:  

“ Tại anh và những người cộng sản như anh nên bây giờ em gái anh khổ, các cháu của anh phải mồ côi cha.”.  

Xúc động không kém, người anh nói:  

“ Thôi em ạ, đằng nào th́ mọi việc cũng đă lỡ rồi. Em cứ nghĩ như thế này: nếu một người em không hề tin yêu, kính trọng mà làm em đau khổ th́ đấy chỉ là một nỗi khổ đau. Nhưng nếu đấy lại là người em hằng kính trọng, tin yêu bao năm trời, kể cả sẵn sàng đem cuộc đời của ḿnh ra để hy sinh, cống hiến mà nay em lại phát hiện ra rằng thực chất sự tin yêu, kính trọng ấy của ḿnh lại bắt nguồn từ sự giả dối của người kia, th́ lúc ấy nỗi đau khổ trong em sẽ phải nhân lên gấp 5, gấp 10. Đấy chính là tâm trạng của anh lúc này, em ạ.”.  

Trên đất nước Việt Nam trong hơn nửa thế kỷ qua đă có bao nhiêu gia đ́nh phải lâm vào hoàn cảnh tương tự như vậy? 

4- Một vài điểm khác cần xác minh:

Trong số những người Việt Nam hoạt động ở Paris vào những năm 1910s -1920s là chỉ có duy nhất 1 ông Nguyễn Ái Quốc hay là có đến 5 ông Nguyễn Ái Quốc? Vai tṛ của chàng trai Nguyễn Ái Quốc - Nguyễn Tất Thành trong các hoạt động như: thành lập Hội Người Việt Nam Yêu Nước, soạn thảo Bản Yêu Sách 8 Điểm Gửi Hội Nghị Véc - Xây năm 1919, ra báo Người Cùng Khổ năm 1922, viết Bản Án Chế Độ Thực Dân Pháp năm 1925, v.v…là tới đâu? Liệu có đúng như các phương tiện thông tin đại chúng trong nước hoặc chính CT Hồ Chí Minh đă kể lại hay không? Bởi v́ nếu theo các tài liệu “ngoài luồng” th́ :  

a) Hội Người Việt Nam Yêu Nước đă được thành lập tại Pháp từ năm 1914, mà tiền thân của nó là Hội Đồng Bào Thân Ái c̣n có trước đó nữa. Đấy là do công lao của những ông Nguyễn Ái Quốc khác, chứ anh Thành lúc ấy lại không có mặt ở Pháp mà là đang mưu sinh ở Anh. 

(anh Thành ở Anh từ cuối năm 1913 đến 1917. Cuối năm 1917 mới rời Anh để sang Pháp, và ở đấy đến năm 1923 th́ sang Liên Xô.). 

b) Bản Yêu Sách 8 Điểm gửi hội nghị Véc-Xây là có rất nhiều điểm trùng với những bản yêu sách đă có trước đó của cụ Phan Chu Trinh (1872-1926) gửi khâm sứ Trung kỳ, gửi toàn quyền Đông Dương và gửi chính phủ Pháp. Như vậy có phải như CT Hồ Chí Minh đă kể:  

“ ... Ư kiến đưa yêu cầu do ông Nguyễn đề ra, nhưng lại do luật sư Phan Văn Trường viết, v́ lúc bấy giờ ông Nguyễn chưa viết được tiếng Pháp…”. (Trần Dân Tiên, sách đă dẫn).  

Hay những ư kiến ấy phải là của cụ Phan Chu Trinh mới đúng? V́ cụ Phan đă có mặt và hoạt động ở Paris liên tục trước đó, cụ cũng là sáng lập viên của Hội Đồng Bào Thân Ái. (cụ Phan thi đậu phó bảng năm 1901, cùng khóa với cụ Nguyễn Sinh Sắc, thân sinh anh Thành.) 

c) Báo Người Cùng Khổ (Le Paria) là do những “ông Tây” (người Pháp) lập ra, chứ đâu phải của một “ông ta” nào như sự xác nhận sau:  

“ ... Ban biên tập báo Người Cùng Khổ do Nguyễn Ái Quốc làm chủ nhiệm, kiêm chủ bút, giao cho Nguyễn Thế Truyền là một Việt kiều được anh Nguyễn giới thiệu vào Hội Hiệp Thuộc.” 

(Trần Dân Tiên, sách đă dẫn).  

Bây giờ giả sử đúng là có 1 ông Nguyễn Ái Quốc làm chủ nhiệm, kiêm chủ bút tờ báo kia đi, nhưng chính xác là ông Nguyễn Ái Quốc nào? V́ ở Paris lúc ấy có tới 5 ông Nguyễn Ái Quốc, c̣n gọi là nhóm Ngũ Long gồm các ông: Phan Chu Trinh, sang Pháp năm 1911/phó bảng. Phan Văn Trường/1908/luật sư. Nguyễn Thế Truyền/1910/cử nhân. Nguyễn An Ninh/1917/năm thứ 2 trường luật. Nguyễn Tất Thành/1917/tiểu học, và ai ở trong nhóm viết bài cũng kư tên là Nguyễn Ái Quốc.  

Hơn nữa, chúng ta cũng cần t́m hiểu thêm cả việc ai đă giới thiệu ai? V́ anh Thành mới chân ướt chân ráo đến Pháp th́ nào đă quen biết ai mà giới thiệu cho ông Nguyễn Thế Truyền vào Hội Hiệp Thuộc?  

(ông Truyền sang Pháp từ năm 1910, có 2 bằng cử nhân văn chương và cử nhân hóa học, có vợ người Pháp.) 

d) Cũng theo Những Mẩu Chuyện Về Đời Hoạt Động Của Hồ Chủ Tịch th́ : “...Ông Nguyễn chỉ viết một quyển sách duy nhất là quyển Bản Án Chế Độ Thực Dân Pháp.”. Thế nhưng với điều kiện thông tin lúc đó th́ theo tôi chính quyển này mới là quyển ông ít có cơ hội tham gia nhất. Bởi v́ cả tài liệu trong và ngoài nước đều xác nhận rằng: cuốn sách được xuất bản lần đầu tại Pháp vào năm 1925, nhưng lúc ấy th́ ông Nguyễn không có mặt ở Pháp mà đang hoạt động ở Trung Quốc! (ông ở Trung Quốc từ tháng 11.1924. Tháng 5.1927 mới rời khỏi đấy để sang lại Liên Xô). 

Hơn nữa, cứ giả sử các tài liệu đều viết sai về năm xuất bản cuốn sách trên th́ chúng ta cũng cần lưu ư là: chính anh Thành cũng đă phải công nhận rằng anh là người có bút lực yếu ở trong nhóm, nếu như không muốn nói là yếu nhất. V́ anh Thành chỉ mới tốt nghiệp trường tiểu học Pháp - Việt Đông Ba, Huế niên khoá 1906-1907. Tháng 9.1907 anh vào học trường Quốc Học Huế, nhưng chưa đầy 1 năm sau, tháng 5.1908 th́ đă bị đuổi khỏi đấy rồi. Tức là tấm bằng Thành Chung đối với anh cũng vẫn c̣n rất xa vời. 

(xem http://www.cpv.org.vn/hochiminh/tieusu/thoinienthieu/index.htm  ). 

Nói tóm lại, những điểm c̣n chưa rơ ràng trong thân thế và sự nghiệp của CT Hồ Chí Minh là c̣n rất nhiều. Một lần nữa tôi rất mong các nhà nghiên cứu, các sử gia ở cả trong và ngoài nước hăy v́ tính trung thực, khách quan của lịch sử và nhất là v́ thế hệ trẻ Việt Nam tương lai, hăy xác minh cho được chúng càng sớm càng tốt. Viết về CT Hồ Chí Minh, lại lật ngược những vấn đề khá phức tạp và tế nhị lên như thế này, tôi hiểu rằng sẽ làm cho nhiều người vốn tôn kính ông đau ḷng. Nhưng theo tôi, thà làm như vậy một lần cho rơ c̣n hơn là cứ dễ dăi với nhau để rồi tự làm khổ nhau và làm khổ măi con cháu chúng ta sau này. 

5- Một ư kiến đề nghị:

Như ở đầu bài đă nêu, từ 11 năm qua đă có rất nhiều bài viết với hai xu hướng ngược nhau: thứ nhất, khẳng định rằng CT Hồ Chí Minh đă được UNESCO chính thức công nhận là danh nhân văn hóa thế giới. Thứ hai là phủ nhận nó. Nay tôi xin có một ư kiến đề nghị: dù ai thuộc xu hướng nào cũng được, nhưng nếu đă có tấm ḷng quan tâm, mong rằng hăy cùng nỗ lực giải quyết dứt điểm vấn đề này. Đối tượng tiếp cận chính là UNESCO, đây là vị trọng tài khách quan, vô tư và hữu hiệu hơn cả. Sẽ có hai khả năng xảy ra:  

a) Nếu CT Hồ Chí Minh đă thực sự được UNESCO công nhận là danh nhân văn hóa thế giới th́ những cơ quan nào đă đưa tin sai lạc trước đó cần ra một bản tin đính chính lại. Đó cũng là hành động thể hiện sự tôn trọng các độc giả, thính giả của ḿnh.  

b) Nếu UNESCO chưa hề có một quyết định như giả thiết nêu trên, th́ cá nhân hay tổ chức nào có điều kiện tiếp cận được với tổ chức ấy, cần làm sao có được một văn bản phủ nhận chính thức của họ. Dù chỉ là vài ḍng thôi, nhưng nó sẽ có tác dụng thuyết phục rất lớn. 

Đây cũng là trách nhiệm của mỗi người nhằm giúp UNESCO. Nó cũng là quyền lợi của UNESCO cần phải tự bảo vệ ḿnh, khi có ai hoặc quốc gia nào lợi dụng uy tín của họ để làm những việc khuất tất. Tôi cũng rất mong rằng nếu trường hợp là b) th́ những nhà biên soạn sách giáo khoa ở Việt Nam cần rà soát lại toàn bộ những điểm liên quan và điều chỉnh lại chúng cho đúng sự thật.  

6- Một ư kiến ủng hộ:

Trong bức thư ngỏ viết vào tháng 5.2001 vừa qua của 2 tác giả Trần Khuê và Nguyễn Thị Thanh Xuân, gửi tân tổng bí thư ĐCS Việt Nam Nông Đức Mạnh có một ư kiến đề nghị là: hăy hỏa táng thi hài của Hồ Chủ Tịch. Bức thư giải thích rằng: những người lănh đạo đảng và nhà nước vào thời điểm CT Hồ Chí Minh qua đời đă vi phạm ư nguyện ghi trong di chúc của người quá cố. Trong đó ông đă viết:  

"… Tôi yêu cầu thi hài tôi được đốt đi, tức là hỏa táng. Tôi mong rằng cách hỏa táng sau này sẽ được phổ biến, và như thế đối với người sống đă tốt về mặt vệ sinh, lại không tốn đất ruộng. Khi ta có nhiều điện th́ điện táng càng tốt hơn.".).  

Và nay th́ những người lănh đạo mới của ĐCS VN cần phải sửa lại sai lầm ấy. Nếu cần th́ tổ chức một cuộc Trưng Cầu Dân Ư về vấn đề này. (xem: http://www.thongluan.org/VN2/viet_frame.htm , 4.6.2001). 

Hai tác giả cũng phân tích thêm rằng: h́nh thức ướp xác, tức chôn nổi là hoàn toàn không phù hợp với phong tục tập quán của người Việt Nam, vốn quen với hai h́nh thức phổ biến là địa táng hoặc hỏa táng. Rồi cảnh báo là nếu không nghiêm chỉnh tuân theo di chúc của người đă khuất, th́ gia đ́nh, ḍng họ và đất nước luôn bị “sái”, không ngóc đầu lên được. Ngoài ra c̣n là chuyện lăng phí tiền bạc: để duy tŕ hệ thống lăng CT Hồ Chí Minh th́ hàng năm phải tốn kém 100 tỷ đồng VN. Dù đấy là tiền thuế đóng góp của nhân dân hôm nay hay là đi vay mượn của nước ngoài, th́ sau này con cháu chúng ta cũng phải nai lưng ra trả nợ. 

Tôi hoàn toàn ủng hộ ư kiến trên và tin rằng nguyện vọng của đa số nhân dân Việt Nam hôm nay cũng là như vậy. Chúng ta chỉ cần thử làm một bài toán nhỏ:  

Để xoá đói giảm nghèo cho một hộ gia đ́nh nông dân, theo 2 tác giả là cần 5 triệu đồng VN tiền vốn. Giả thiết mỗi hộ có 4 người, như vậy tổng chi phí cho công tŕnh ấy trong suốt 26 năm qua là 2600 tỷ đồng VN (không tính chi phí xây lăng) là một số tiền rất lớn, đủ để giúp hơn 2 triệu người Việt Nam thoát khỏi cảnh đói nghèo. C̣n nếu mỗi hộ cần 10 triệu đồng tiền vốn th́ cũng giúp được cho hơn 1 triệu người. Nhưng cái chính của vấn đề là sự lăng phí kia rất vô lư, không đáng có. 

Ngoài ra tôi cũng xin được bổ xung 1 ư kiến nữa, hy vọng rằng nó sẽ góp thêm cơ sở để dân tộc cùng dứt khoát hơn với đề nghị trên của 2 tác giả. Ư kiến của tôi liên quan đến khía cạnh kiến trúc của lăng:  

Kể từ khi lăng được khánh thành nhân dịp quốc khánh mùng 2.9.1975 đến nay, th́ từ những người dân b́nh thường tới các kiến trúc sư, nhà xây dựng, v.v. từ Bắc chí Nam mà tôi có dịp được tiếp xúc, phần lớn đều cho rằng: công tŕnh này không có những đường nét của kiến trúc hiện đại, cũng lại rất nghèo tính dân tộc. Tức là nếu xét thêm về khía cạnh kiến trúc th́ cũng không có giá trị ǵ đáng kể để mà phải tiếc nuối nữa. Có lẽ v́ chạnh ḷng với công tŕnh quốc gia khá nặng nề và đơn điệu này, ai đó đă sửa lại lời những câu đầu của bài hát Viếng Lăng Bác (nhạc: Hoàng Hiệp, thơ: Viễn Phương), mà thành: “Con ở miền Nam ra thăm lăng Bác, con thấy lăng Ông đẹp hơn lăng Bác, trăm phần trăm,…”(!) 

(lăng Ông: lăng ông Lê Văn Duyệt - một vơ tướng đầu triều Nguyễn, lập tại khu Bà Chiểu - Sài G̣n; trăm phần trăm = 100%.). 

7- Những lời thay cho kết luận:

Trong diễn văn đáp từ của nguyên tổng bí thư ĐCS Việt Nam Lê Khả Phiêu đọc tại Hà Nội ngày 18.11.2000 vừa qua, nhân dịp tổng thống Mỹ lúc ấy là Bill Clinton sang thăm Việt Nam có đoạn: “...Điều chắc chắn là trong thế kỷ 21, khoa học công nghệ sẽ phát triển như vũ băo. Nhưng lại có một nghịch lư là hố ngăn cách giữa nước giầu và nước nghèo lại ngày càng lớn. Ngày nay, tổng số tài sản của hơn 300 tỷ phú trên thế giới bằng thu nhập của hơn 2 tỷ người ở các nước nghèo.”.  

Đúng! Đấy là thực tế, và người đọc hiểu ngay rằng ư ông muốn nhấn mạnh đến sự bất công của một thế giới ngày càng bị phân hóa giầu - nghèo hôm nay. Nhưng c̣n một thực tế nữa là: liệu những người lănh đạo trong ĐCS Việt Nam trước và sau ông có dám làm triệt để việc kê khai danh sách của 300 người giầu nhất ở Việt Nam hôm nay hay không? Họ là những ai? Có bao nhiêu tiền? Để ở những đâu? Bằng cách nào họ đă làm giầu được nhanh như vậy? Tổng số tiền mà họ đă tích lũy được là bằng thu nhập của bao nhiêu triệu người nghèo ở Việt Nam ? v.v… 

Một cuộc Trưng Cầu Dân Ư như 2 tác giả Trần Khuê và Nguyễn Thị Thanh Xuân đề nghị, nếu nó được tiến hành sẽ là cuộc tổng diễn tập cho một bước dân chủ cao hơn. Đó là: dân tộc Việt Nam phải được quyền tự ḿnh lựa chọn giữa thể chế chính trị dân chủ đa nguyên, đa đảng và pháp trị của thời đại mới, hay là cứ phải tiếp tục duy tŕ măi thể chế nhất nguyên, đơn đảng của “thời đại Hồ Chí Minh” đầy đau thương hôm qua, lắm bất công hôm nay và vô vàn những rủi ro, bất trắc vào ngày mai. 

Tôi nghĩ rằng nếu toàn thể dân tộc ta ở cả trong và ngoài nước, một khi đă nhận thức lại được đúng những vấn đề của quá khứ và hiện tại th́ sẽ vượt qua được những khoảng cách biệt c̣n lại. Để trong tương lai có thể đoàn kết thành một khối thống nhất tạo ra được một sức mạnh tổng hợp, nhằm đấu tranh có hiệu quả hơn với các thế lực bảo thủ hiện nắm thực quyền trong ĐCS Việt Nam . 

Trong thực tế có những người giận ngày “quốc hận” 30 tháng 4, giận mùa xuân năm 1975, rồi giận lây sang cả mùa thu năm 1945 với cuộc Cách Mạng Tháng 8 lịch sử, v́ cho rằng đây là chiến công riêng do CT HỒ Chí Minh và ĐCS Đông Dương lúc đó lănh đạo. Theo tôi đây là điều chứa đựng nhiều sai lầm, bởi v́ thành công của cuộc CMT8 là chiến công chung của mọi người Việt Nam , trong đó có cả vai tṛ của các đảng phái khác. Tất cả lúc ấy đều đă sẵn sàng gác bỏ mọi quyền lợi riêng, để cùng đồng ḷng đứng lên giành lại nền độc lập tự do cho Tổ Quốc. 

Nó cũng là kết quả được hun đúc bởi truyền thống dựng nước và giữ nước từ ngàn đời xưa, từ lịch sử gần 100 năm kháng Pháp của ông cha ta, và mọi người Việt Nam đều có quyền tự hào chính đáng về nó. Với một nước Việt Nam mới, chắc chắn trang sử hào hùng ấy của dân tộc ta cũng sẽ được các sử gia viết lại cho khách quan và chính xác hơn. Một ngày hội lớn về dân chủ của non sông nhất định sẽ được mở ra trong một tương lai gần. Khi mà khối đoàn kết toàn dân gồm 80 triệu người, với hơn 76 triệu đồng bào ta ở trong nước và 3 triệu đồng bào ta ở nước ngoài đă được xác lập vững chắc. Đó là niềm tin mănh liệt của tôi.  

Tháng 7 năm 2001

Tiểu luận của Phương Nam

=================================

Kỷ niệm ngày thành lập UNESCO (4/11/1946 - 4/11/2004)

UNESCO - Tổ chức Giáo dục, Khoa học và Văn hóa Liên hiệp quốc
 


Ngày 16/11/1945, đại diện của 37 nước trên thế giới họp tại Luân Đôn để kư Công ước thành lập Tổ chức Giáo dục, Khoa học và Văn hóa của Liên hiệp quốc (UNESCO).

Công ước này bắt đầu có hiệu lực từ ngày 4/11/1946 sau khi được 20 nước tham gia phê chuẩn.

UNESCO là một trong những tổ chức chuyên môn lớn nhất của Liên hiệp quốc (LHQ), hiện có 190 nước tham gia với tư cách là thành viên chính thức và 6 vùng lănh thổ là thành viên liên kết (tính đến 10/2003). Ngoài ra UNESCO c̣n có quan hệ với các tổ chức thuộc hệ thống LHQ và tổ chức phi chính phủ quốc tế.

UNESCO hoạt động với tôn chỉ "Góp phần duy tŕ ḥa b́nh và an ninh quốc tế bằng cách thắt chặt sự hợp tác giữa các quốc gia về giáo dục, khoa học và văn hóa nhằm bảo đảm sự tôn trọng của tất cả cá các nước về công lư, pháp luật, nhân quyền".

Chức năng của UNESCO:

* Khuyến khích sự hiểu biết và thông cảm lẫn nhau giữa các dân tộc;
* Thúc đẩy mạnh mẽ việc giáo dục quần chúng và truyền bá văn hóa;
* Duy tŕ, tăng cường và truyền bá kiến thức.

Cơ cấu của UNESCO:

* Đại hội đồng là cơ quan quyền lực cao nhất của UNESCO gồm đại biểu của các nước thành viên, hai năm họp một lần để quyết định đường lối chính sách, kết nạp thành viên mới, bầu Hội đồng Chấp hành và Tổng Giám đốc, thông qua chương tŕnh và biểu quyết ngân sách.

* Hội đồng Chấp hành do Đại hội đồng trực tiếp bầu ra bằng phiếu kín, là cơ quan thay mặt Đại hội đồng trong thời gian giữa 2 kỳ họp của Đại hội đồng, gồm 58 nước thành viên với nhiệm kỳ bốn năm, hai năm bầu lại một nửa số thành viên. Thành viên của Hội đồng chấp hành được phân chia tỉ lệ theo khu vực địa lư.

* Ban Thư kư là cơ quan thực hiện, đảm bảo hoạt động thường xuyên của UNESCO, thi hành nghị quyết của Đại hội đồng và Hội đồng Chấp hành.

Các nước thành viên có quyền đề cử người để tuyển chọn làm viên chức trong Ban Thư kư theo số lượng quy định và theo tỷ lệ đóng góp niên liễm của từng nước.

Ban thư kư do Tổng Giám đốc lănh đạo, tổ chức và tuyển dụng. Tổng Giám đốc là viên chức cao nhất của UNESCO do Đại hội đồng bầu ra với nhiệm kỳ 6 năm (có thể được tái cử).

* Trụ sở chính của UNESCO đặt tại Paris, thủ đô nước Cộng ḥa Pháp. Ngoài ra UNESCO c̣n có 73 Văn pḥng đại diện đặt tại các khu vực trên thế giới và tại một số nước có vị trí quan trọng trong đó có Việt Nam ( Văn pḥng UNESCO được thành lập tháng 9/1999 tại Hà Nội).

*
Việt Nam có mối quan hệ hợp tác chặt chẽ và tích cực với UNESCO. Nước Cộng hoà Xă hội chủ nghĩa Việt Nam chính thức gia nhập UNESCO vào tháng 7/1976, và lần đầu tiên tham dự Đại hội đồng UNESCO lần thứ 19 tổ chức tại Nairobi (Kenya) tháng 10/1977.

Năm 1979, UNESCO đă công nhận Nguyễn Trăi là Danh nhân văn hóa thế giới và năm 1989 công nhận Chủ tịch Hồ Chí Minh là Nhà Văn hóa lớn, Anh hùng giải phóng dân tộc đồng thời chủ tŕ các hoạt động quốc tế kỷ niệm 100 năm ngày sinh Chủ tịch Hồ Chí Minh.

Ngoài ra, UNESCO cũng là trao "Giải thưởng Thành phố v́ Ḥa b́nh" cho Hà Nội, thành phố đầu tiên ở khu vực châu Á - Thái B́nh Dương được nhận danh hiệu này.
 

(Theo Bộ Ngọai giao Việt Nam)
http://www.htv.com.vn/tintuc/news_detail.asp?period_id=1&cat_id=231&news_id=2098

==============
 

Subject: Giai Tru Huyen Thoai UNESCO Va Ho Chi Minh


 

4/23/2002

 

Giải Trừ Huyền Thoại Unesco Và Hồ Chí Minh

 

Nghiêm Văn Thạch

 

Đầu năm 1987, ô. Trần Văn Ngô (Từ Nguyên) là chuyên viên theo dơi thời cuộc trong tập thể tranh đấu tại Pháp, đă triệu tập một buổi họp các nhân sĩ cùng đại diện đoàn thể ở khu vực Paris-Ile de France để báo động : đảng CSVN vận dụng UNESCO để vinh danh Hồ Chí Minh, hy vọng lấy lại hào quang ngụy tạo “anh hùng giải phóng dân tộc” cho xác ướp mà họ đă dựng thành biểu tượng của Xă hội Chủ nghĩa.

 

Theo tin tức nhận được, CSVN căn cứ vào tập tục UNESCO, nhắc nhở ngày sinh nhật thứ 100 của các vĩ nhân trong lănh vực cơ quan Liên Hiệp Quốc hành động, xếp đặt ghi tên Hồ Chí Minh vào danh sách sinh nhật bách niên năm 1990, rồi dự tính vận động tiếp, để đến năm ấy sẽ có khoản tài trợ của UNESCO, dùng tổ chức rầm rộ kỷ niệm ở trụ sở Paris ; đài thọ những buổi lễ cùng thời điểm ở VN và tại một số thủ đô, thành phố lớn khắp thế giới ; tổ chức triển lăm và ấn hành sách báo đặc biệt về sự nghiệp lừng lẫy của Hồ Chí Minh, 'nhà cách mạng và nhà văn hóa trác tuyệt' ! ! !

 

Hội nghị đă thảo luận, phân tách hoàn cảnh cùng thời cơ thuận lợi cho CSVN:

 

Dư âm cuộc chiến thắng 30.4.1975 khiến Hồ Chí Minh c̣n lưu giữ cảm t́nh: trong tả phái Âu Mỹ Úc chưa đủ can đảm thừa nhận sai lầm quá khứ; trong quần chúng Á châu, Phi châu thiếu thông tin nghị luận chính xác.

 

Phái đoàn đại diện CSVN, theo nguyên tắc luân phiên trong Tiểu ban Văn hóa UNESCO, đến lượt tham gia Ban Chấp hành Tiểu ban; đề nghị của họ chắc chắn được sự chấp nhận của đa số thành viên, là những nước Á Phi, khi trước từng biểu lộ cảm t́nh thiên lệch trong cuộc chiến VN-2. Khi Tiểu ban đă tán thành, Đại Hội Đồng thường thông qua đề nghị doTiểu ban chuyển lên, không có thảo luận ǵ cả.

 

Một yếu tố bất lợi quan trọng khác là hậu thuẫn của ô. M'Bow, Tổng Thư Kư kiêm Giám đốc Văn pḥng trung ương UNESCO. Ông trấn nhậm hai nhiệm kỳ liền trụ sở Paris, nhờ sự ủng hộ của Nga Sô cùng chư hầu CS, và các nước Á Phi chống đối Hoa Kỳ. Theo vết thân phụ là lănh tụ độc tài tham nhũng ở một quốc gia chậm tiến Phi châu, ông đă trắng trợn khai thác thủ lợi guồng máy quản trị cơ quan quốc tế. Thành tích nổi bật của ô. M'Bow là cài đặt rất nhiều thành viên bộ tộc (tribu) của ông, đương nhiên với lương cao bổng hậu, không cần chiếu theo bằng cấp hay khả năng, thậm chí không phải làm việc, không cần có mặt ở sở - vào số viên chức thực thụ (nếu sa thải phải bồi thường rất nặng) của Văn pḥng. Nhân số ăn bám cộng với chi tiêu bừa băi - có hà lạm, nhưng về sau không ai muốn bới móc thêm ra - khiến cho ngân quỹ UNESCO liên tục thâm thủng trầm trọng. V́ thế, tại đại hội đồng Liên Hiệp Quốc, Hoa Kỳ phủ quyết (veto) đề nghị gia tăng ngân sách dành cho UNESCO, sau đó tạm đ́nh chỉ sự đóng góp cho riêng cơ quan này.

 

Anh quốc với vài nước Âu Mỹ, hưởng ứng sự tẩy chay góp tiền cho cá mập. Chỉ riêng niên liễm của Hoa Kỳ, đă là ngân khoản cao nhất trong thu nhập của UNESCO mỗi tài khóa. Ô. M'Bow lúc đó chuẩn bị tái ứng cử nhiệm kỳ thứ ba, vậy sẽ ra sức tán trợ đề nghị vinh danh Hồ Chí Minh, để tranh thủ lá phiếu của khối CS và các nước Đệ Tam, luôn thể, để trả đũa sự phản kháng cùng hành động thắt chặt túi tiền của Hoa Kỳ.

 

Hội nghị cũng lượng định một cách thực tiễn trở ngại lớn lao phải đương đầu, v́ thiếu phương tiện tài chính và nhân sự; v́ thái độ thờ ơ bất động, dễ phỏng đoán của nhiều thành viên Liên Hiệp Quốc, không cộng sản, gồm cựu thân hữu của VN Cộng Ḥa, như Nhật Bản, Đại Hàn, Phi Luật Tân; của giới truyền thông và dư luận kể cả Hoa Kỳ; v́ địa vị cô đơn và thiểu số của tập thể tị nạn VN, khó gây nên sức mạnh chuyển đổi cần thiết. Tuy nhiên, hội nghị vẫn quyết tâm đương đầu và nhất trí nỗ lực t́m phương cách giải trừ kế hoạch CSVN, lợi dụng UNESCO để tuyên dương Hồ Chí Minh, và chế độ tàn bạo phi nhân ông tạo lập. Một ủy ban hành động được tức thời thành lập, với ô. Nguyễn Văn Trần là tổng thư kư; phụ tá là một số tuyển chọn trong các nhân sĩ, đại diện đoàn thể hiện diện.

 

Tại một buổi họp thường kỳ sau đó, ở trụ sở Hội Thanh niên Tị nạn cho xử dụng, ủy ban chọn danh hiệu là Ủy ban Tố cáo Tội ác Hồ Chí Minh. Chủ đích ủy ban tự vạch là tiến tới một luận định quốc tế vô tư, đúng đắn, về các hành động của Hồ Chí Minh và CSVN vi phạm nhân phẩm nhân quyền, hủy diệt văn hóa, mâu thuẫn với mục tiêu của Liên Hiệp Quốc và UNESCO. Ủy ban cũng có ư mong công luận thế giới nhân dịp, duyệt lại những biến cố lịch sử đă bị xuyên tạc, bóp méo, bởi thành kiến với nhăn quan một chiều của phe phản chiến, đặc biệt là Ṭa án Chiến tranh VN do Bertrand Russell đề xướng. Công tác khẩn yếu là thâu thập những dữ kiện đích xác về tội ác của Hồ Chí Minh và đảng CSVN, yêu cầu chứng nhân và nạn nhân, tiếp tay với Ủy ban lập thành hồ sơ, sẽ tŕnh bày trong một cuốn hắc thư (livre noir), coi như bản cáo trạng trước thế giới. Cùng lúc, chiến dịch gửi thư phản kháng tới UNESCO được phát động.

 

Hầu hết các cơ quan truyền thông Việt ngữ - báo chí, chương tŕnh phát thanh, bản tin nội bộ, ở các nước định cư, đă sốt sắng phổ biến tin tức và tài liệu do Ủy ban cung cấp ; lại tự động đăng tải nhiều bài viết, nhiều thư tố cáo huyền thoại Hồ Chí Minh do kư giả, nhân sĩ, nhà văn hóa giáo dục, đại diện đoàn thể, gửi đến. Vị Giám đốc Đông Nam Á Vụ của UNESCO sau này cho Ủy ban hay, đă tiếp nhận tổng cộng hơn ba-mươi ngàn thư phản kháng. Cộng đồng người Việt ở Pháp, và một vài nước lân cận, đă hăng hái tham dự cuộc biểu t́nh chống đối, do Ủy ban đề xướng, nhân Ngày Nhân Quyền Liên Hiệp Quốc 1987, ở công trường Nhân quyền, đối diện tháp Eiffel.

 

Tại lănh vực tranh đấu trực diện là UNESCO, ủy ban trù liệu tiếp xúc rộng răi với các thành viên quốc gia không cộng sản, các thành viên là tổ chức ngoài chính quyền (Organisation Non Gouvernementale - ONG), các nhân vật chủ chốt ở cơ quan Liên Hiệp Quốc, kể cả Tổng Thư Kư M'Bow đương nhiệm. Luận cứ đầu tiên Ủy ban tŕnh bày là CSVN muốn UNESCO lấy ngày 19.5.1990 làm sinh nhật bách niên của Hồ Chí Minh. Nhưng theo sự kê khai của đương sự hồi sinh tiền, và theo các tài liệu chính thức của đảng, Hồ Chí Minh có tới 5 ngày tháng năm sinh khác nhau. Thời điểm lễ kỷ niệm quốc tế ấn định một cách hồ đồ, sẽ khiến cho uy tín của UNESCO và Liên Hiệp Quốc bị thương tổn. Bằng chứng gần cận về lề thói thay đổi dữ kiện lịch sử bởi CSVN, là họ đă loan báo Hồ Chí Minh tạ thế ngày 03.9.1969, trong khi ông mất từ ngày hôm trước, 02.9.1969.

 

Và để tạo áp lực phía chính phủ Pháp - có ảnh hưởng đáng kể, v́ Paris là nơi đặt trụ sở UNESCO - Ủy ban tranh thủ được sự ủng hộ triệt để của Hội Người Pháp Đông Dương (ANAI - Association des Francais d'Indochine) gồm các gia đ́nh Pháp kiều, cựu quân nhân khi trước cư trú hay phục vụ tại ba nước Việt-Mên Lào. Hai bên đồng ư phối hợp chương tŕnh và phương thức vận động. Hội ANAI sẽ nhường cho cộng đồng VN ra mặt trước công luận, đi hàng đầu khi biểu t́nh, hội họp, để Hội khỏi vướng mắc lời đối phương cáo buộc, có hành động trả thù sự thất trận năm 1954. Do sự thúc đẩy của Hội ANAI, và lời thỉnh cầu của Ủy ban, một số dân biểu, nghị sĩ đối lập lên tiếng chất vấn trên diễn đàn quốc hội, yêu cầu chính quyền - do tả phái lănh đạo sau khi Mitterand đắc cử tổng thống năm 1981 - bác bỏ sự vinh danh Hồ Chí Minh. Thêm lời rỉ tai ở hậu trường: nếu chính phủ Pháp có thái độ tán thành, Hội ANAI, các chính đảng phái hữu, và Ủy ban hành động của người Việt, sẽ huy động cựu chiến binh gồm thương binh và gia đ́nh tử sĩ trận chiến VN-1 (1945-1954), cùng với thuyền nhân, người tị nạn CS mọi quốc tịch, các đoàn thể như Hội Y sĩ Thế giới, Hội Nhân quyền, v.v... xuống đường liên tiếp khắp nơi. Kết quả là chính phủ Pháp hứa đứng ngoài, không bỏ phiếu nếu Đại hội đồng UNESCO thảo luận nghị quyết đề cao Hồ Chí Minh.

 

Tuy nhiên, như đă dự đoán, Tiểu ban Văn hóa với đa số thuận, đă ghi vào nghị tŕnh Đại hội đồng UNESCO năm 1987, danh sách sẽ được tuyên dương năm 1990, gồm 7 nhân vật: Phya Anuman Rajadhon (Thái Lan), Thomas Munzer (Đông Đức), Anton Semionovitch Makarenko (Liên Sô), Hồ Chí Minh (Việt Nam), Jawaharlal Nehru (Ấn Độ), và Sinan (Thổ Nhĩ Ky).  Lời tuyên dương Hồ Chí Minh dùng trọn bản văn do phái đoàn CSVN soạn - cũng như lời tuyên dương các nhân vật khác do phái đoàn quốc gia liên hệ đề nghị - được Đại hội đồng thông qua không thảo luận.

 

Ủy ban đành chuyển qua vận động giảm thiểu tầm vóc tổ chức kỷ niệm. Hai biến cố thời sự đem lại thời cơ thuận lợi cho hành động của Ủy ban và các đồng minh. Ông M'Bow thất cử; ông Frederico Meillor, nhân sĩ Tây-Ban-Nha (Espagne), thay thế làm Tổng Thư Kư UNESCO.  Rồi những chính thể cộng sản ở Đông Âu kế tiếp sụp đổ; chấn động vang dội nhất là sự phá hủy bức tường ô nhục ở Bá-Linh (Berlin) và sự thống nhất Đức quốc sớm hơn các lời tiên đoán. Sự phát triển mạnh mẽ của trào lưu dân chủ, có hiệu lực xóa bỏ luôn những công tŕnh che dấu, thổi phồng, hóa trang, của guồng máy tuyên truyền cộng sản. Bộ mặt thực của mô h́nh chế độ cộng sản, của các lănh tụ tối cao Staline, Mao Trạch Đông, Hồ Chí Minh, Ceaucescu, Kim Nhật Thành, v.v... dần dần bộc lộ, làm tiêu tan những h́nh ảnh thần tượng tuyệt đỉnh hoàn mỹ, dựng lên từ mấy chục năm.

 

Ủy ban được vị tân Tổng Thư Kư Frederico Meillor trấn an : không thể hủy bỏ nghị quyết 1987 (phải do một nghị quyết khác của Đại hội đồng), nhưng UNESCO sẽ không tổ chức kỷ niệm, và không can dự bất cứ hành động nào để vinh danh Hồ Chí Minh tại trụ sở Paris. Thực tế là ngân sách UNESCO do ông soạn thảo, sẽ không dự trù ngân khoản cho công việc đó. Việt Nam cùng nước nào muốn cử hành lễ sinh nhật bách niên của Hồ Chí Minh là tùy ư riêng, không liên quan ǵ tới UNESCO cả. Do đó, Ủy ban nhận định rằng công tác mà cộng đồng ủy nhiệm đạt kết quả tương đối thỏa măn. Ủy ban quyết định chấm dứt chiến dịch thư phản kháng ; đ́nh chỉ việc lập hồ sơ, ấn hành hắc thư tố cáo tội ác Hồ Chí Minh và CSVN; không trù liệu tập họp, biểu t́nh phản đối kỷ niệm sinh nhật Hồ Chí Minh bởi UNESCO, v́ sự việc ấy sẽ không xảy ra. Nhưng Ủy ban tiếp tục theo dơi nội vụ, để phản ứng khi cần thiết.

 

Quả nhiên trước ngày 19.5.1990, Ủy ban được tin rằng, CSVN loan báo mập mờ kỷ niệm trọng thể sinh nhật bách niên của Hồ Chí Minh, tại pḥng khánh tiết UNESCO. Một số văn công nghệ sĩ từ quốc nội sang, gồm đoàn múa rối nước, sẽ tŕnh diễn trong buổi lễ, phụ thêm triển lăm và tiếp tân.  Tổng thư kư Nguyễn Văn Trần lập tức tới gặp ông Giám đốc Đông Nam Á Vụ UNESCO để chất vấn, mang theo thiệp mời của sứ quán, in h́nh Hồ Chí Minh với bối cảnh là trụ sở UNESCO. Nhà chức trách đó cho hay UNESCO tiếp đơn giữ chỗ trước, đă theo qui lệ cho sứ quán mướn 2 căn pḥng thường dành cho mọi sinh hoạt của thành viên mà thôi. Ông không hay biết chương tŕnh tổ chức, và nếu có thiệp mời, chắc chắn ông Tổng Thư Kư cùng các cộng sự viên sẽ không tham dự. Ông ghi nhận lời phản đối hợp lư của Ủy ban, bảo đảm Văn pḥng sẽ đ̣i sứ quán hủy bỏ thiệp mời có thể gây ngộ nhận. Hội ANAI tiếp xúc với Bộ Ngoại giao Pháp, cũng được xác nhận không có đại diện chính quyền, nhân viên chính phủ, đại diện quốc hội, đại diện Đô thành Paris, tham dự lễ kỷ niệm hay tiếp tân, triển lăm, sứ quán CSVN dự liệu. Sau đó, sứ quán đă phải thu hồi thiệp mời in h́nh Hồ Chí Minh gửi cho ngoại giao đoàn, thành viên UNESCO, các nhân vật chính quyền và dân sự Pháp; thiệp chỉ xử dụng với tính cách nội bộ để mời Việt kiều.

 

Một đặc phái viên của Ủy ban tới trụ sở UNESCO ngày 19.5.1990 để kiểm tra, báo cáo rằng chung cuộc, sứ quán chỉ mướn một pḥng sinh hoạt nhỏ thay v́ hai (gồm thêm một pḥng lớn có sân khấu). Nhân số hiện diện khoảng chừng 60, 70 tân khách; hầu hết là hội viên Việt kiều Yêu nước. Lác đác vài khuôn mặt ngoại quốc, phỏng đoán là đảng viên cộng sản Pháp, thành viên các phái đoàn thân hữu với chế độ như Cuba, Trung quốc, Bắc Hàn, Mên, Lào.

 

Một cuộc biểu t́nh phản kháng vào đúng giờ khắc buổi kỷ niệm của sứ quán CSVN, qui tụ hơn một trăm người, đă diễn ra ở công trường Fontenoy gần trụ sở UNESCO. Hành động do Ủy ban Quốc tế Trần Văn Bá, không phải là thành viên Ủy ban Tố cáo Tội ác Hồ Chí Minh (v́ chưa ra đời năm 1987), đề xướng. Hai đại diện đoàn biểu t́nh là ông Trần Văn Ṭng và kư giả Olivier Todd đến trụ sở UNESCO, đưa lời phản kháng, đă được ông Giám đốc Đông Nam Á Vụ tiếp kiến. Khi nghe xong lời tŕnh bày về lập trường và thái độ của cơ quan Liên Hiệp Quốc, sự can thiệp của Ủy ban Tố cáo Tội ác Hồ Chí Minh, và các biện pháp đă thỏa hiệp, hai vị đại diện đồng ư là UNESCO vô can; đoàn biểu t́nh sẽ chỉ tập trung hành động, để đả đảo sự vinh danh Hồ Chí Minh, người có tội trước lịch sử nhân loại, đă tàn hại đất nước và dân tộc Việt Nam, và hai nước láng giềng Mên Lào.

 

Ủy ban Tố cáo Tội ác Hồ Chí Minh chính thức giải tán cuối tháng 5 dl. 1990. Đáng tiếc là Ủy ban không chủ trương quảng bá thành quả công tác, v́ cho rằng đó là bổn phận, nên c̣n có thể có dư luận thiếu chính xác ngay tại Pháp, về thủ đoạn của đảng CS, mập mờ xử dụng danh nghĩa UNESCO, đánh bóng h́nh tượng Hồ Chí Minh.

 

Nghiêm Văn Thạch

http://www.vietnamconghoa.com/VC/HCM/ho_chi_minh.htm

================

 
UNMASKING HO CHI MINH

Viet Quoc Home Page here introduces a part of summarized documents in English from "Unmasking Ho Chi Minh" in Vietnamese by Huy Phong and Yen Anh, edited in U.S, 1989.

Courtesy of Tran Hai (htran@nereus.mitre.org)

INTRODUCTION.

Some American reporters used to call him a nationalist leader or the George Washington of Vietnam and described him holding a US Constitution in his hand when talking to them. They soon spread over America the image of a prodigious man, playing a historic role in that part of the world. In Vietnam, his communist underlings surrounded him with a cult bordering on idolatry. Everything about him from his utterances and writings to his clothing and sandals were treasured as sacred relics. But the immense majority of Viet people have been and are heaping curses and abuses upon him. Their deep-seated despite, indignation and rancor have spawned a rich body of popular literature made of witty phrases, rhymed sayings, couplets and short poems, using the subtleties and peculiarities of their language as a political weapons. This body of literature is now part of the Viet language and will remain forever with the Viet nation.

So how deeply offended the Viet people must have felt when they heard that UNESCO was planning to honor the man. Yes, UNESCO, the UN main engine of propaganda is attempting to internationalize and perpetuate the cult of this man. Such a move should surprise no one, in view of the true nature of the United Nations and of the past, UNESCO activities in the fields of culture and education. Whether or not it has any interest in knowing what it is doing, the Viet people are determined to bring out the truth about UNESCO's hero.

But in the search for truth, one is first confronted with what Winston Churchill would call a riddle wrapped in a mystery inside an enigma. You cannot even call him by name without falling victim of his dupery. He posed as Ho Chi Minh (Ho^` Chi' Minh) and as Nguyen Ai Quoc (Nguye^~n A'i Quo^'c), but he was neither of these persons. So it is no small task to unearth the historical records, bring the facts to light and expose to the real man.

But the first step in the process has been done and the results presented in a new book in Viet language, entitled "Unmasking Ho Chi Minh" by Huy Phong and Yen Anh. The authors, one in France and the other in the United States, have ready access to some of the largest libraries and archives in the world. They intend to follow this pioneering effort with more research and more publications. But their first book should be sufficient to give world opinion a shock about a heretofore unsuspected hoax.

***

A THOROUGH VARNISHING JOB

Since the name Ho Chi Minh began to attract world attention, many books and articles both in Vietnam and abroad have been written about the man. Unfortunately, little or no valid information can he found in these works since they draw their materials almost exclusively from a crop of publications which appeared roughly between 1972 and 1985 and were authored by officials and agencies of the Hanoi regime or by individuals interested in currying favor with that regime. Among works of this type are:

Hong Ha` (Red River) 1, Uncle Ho in His Youth, Thanh Nien Publishing, Hanoi, 1976.

Ho`ng Ha` (Red River) 2, Uncle Ho in Lenin's Country, Thanh Nien Publishing, Hanoi, 1980.

Su. That (The Truth) Publ. 1, President Ho and the October Revolution, by Ho chi Minh Museum, Saigon, 1985.

Su That (The Truth) Publ. 2, Selected Topics on Ho Chi Minh, Hanoi, 1960.

Su. That (The Truth) Publ. 3, Complete Collection on Ho Chi Minh, Hanoi, 1981.

Su That (The Truth) Publ. 4, Revolutionary Poetry (1930-1945), Hanoi, 1980.

Le Duan, Under the Glorious Flag of the Party, Su That (The Truth) Publ., Hanoi, 1972.

(Le Duan : Late general-secretary of the Communist Party of Vietnam from 1967-1986).

Trung Dai Hoc (Highschool-University) Publ., History of the Workers' Party of Vietnam, Hanoi, 1974.

Phu Nu (Women) Publ., A Rose for Uncle, Hanoi, 1985.

E. Kabelev, Comrade Ho chi Minh, Thanh Nien (The Youth) Publ., 1985.

The hack writers of this literature always refer to Ho chi Minh as Bac (Uncle), a term heavy with affection and respect, or as Nguoi (He), a very reverential pronoun form, especially when written with a capital N (Nguoi). Ho is portrayed as a man of proletarian birth, with a consuming love for his country and compatriots, with legendary intelligence, courage and determination, or as a young man braving all obstacles and roaming the world in search for a way to liberate his country, as the greatest of all revolutionaries of Vietnam, as the first Viet person to discover the merit of Marxism, as a co-founder of the French Communist Party and so on. That was how a veritable cult of the living Ho rapidly developed and obfuscated the traditional veneration accorded national heroes after their death.

Virtually all the basic data for these publications can be traced directly or indirectly to a book entitled "Stories of President Ho's Active Life" by Tran Dan Tien, first published in 1948 by Van Hoc Publishing. It was apparently intended as a biography but was presented in the form of an interview with Ho chi Minh. In the introduction, Tran Dan Tien comments : "Many Viet and foreign writers and journalists have tried to write biographies of the President of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam, but so far they have had little success. The reason is simple : "The modest President Ho doesn't like to be talked about too much". Later on in the book, when the question of biography is mentioned, Ho replies : "Biography, that is a good thing. But at present our people still live in poverty. After eighty years of slavery, our country is in ruin and we have a big task of reconstruction. Let's do what is most urgent first. As for my biography, it can wait".

(It was untrue. Few years after 1954, North Vietnam built socialism hurriedly. 1954-1957 showed some progress in economy but after the year of 1957, that Ho decided to open war to the South. It means Ho wanted to build up North Vietnam in a hurry to make it as "the rear of socialism" and the South would be "the front of socialism").

One could imagine that the interviewer Tran Dan Tien was disappointed to find Ho too preoccupied with rebuilding the country to give any thought to his biography. But who is Tran Dan Tien ? It turns out that Tran Dan Tien was none other than Ho himself. That's right. The same Ho chi Minh asked questions and answered them. In 1985, Ha Minh Duc, a teacher and fervent Ho admirer, wrote a book entitled "Literary Works of President Ho Chi Minh" which was prefaced by Professor Nguyen Khanh Toan, another high ranking educator, and published by Khoa Hoc Xa Hoi (Social Study), Hanoi. In it, the author negligently reveals that Tran Dan Tien is but a pen name of Ho Chi Minh. On pp. 132-133, Ha Minh Duc remarks : "Responding to the wishes of his people and of friends throughout the world, President Ho, under the pen name Tran Dan Tien, wrote the book "Stories of President Ho's Active Life".... With its vivid and illustrative anecdotes of his past activities and its sound political, social and historical value, his work is an autobiography worthy of a national hero and president of the country".

Ha Minh Duc seemed to take Ho's method of fictitious dialogue as merely a convenient literary device without understanding Ho's real intention and, because of his naivete, unwittingly exposed his hero's deceitfulness. Ho set out to write his autobiography, but with the idea of making the readers believe that the work was not his, that, as he said it at least twice in the book, he felt he should rebuild the country first, before talking about himself. But that is not his only lie. Practically everything in his book is a lie, a falsehood or a false insinuation. And this with the full knowledge that his book would become the Bible and the stock in trade for a host of scribes eager to write about him. Indeed they quickly put their imagination to work and embroidered the innumerable yarns of his book into a rich mythology around him even before his death.

HIS PERSONAL DATA AND BACKGROUND

What personal data ? We don't even know his year of birth with any certainty. As many as five years are found in the literature. He himself gave two of them: 1892 in his application to the French Colonial School and 1890 in his book under the pseudonym Tran Dan Tien. The Service of Control and Assistance to Natives of French Colonies (Archives Nationales de France) recorded the year 1894, which probably came from Ho himself. His passport taken for his first trip to Russia (1923) showed 1895. Yen Son , an agent of the Viet Communist Party, claimed the year 1891 in an article entitled "Nguyen Ai Quoc, the Brilliant Champion of the Revolution" in the Thong Tin (Information) Newspaper, Aug. 30 1945, Hanoi.

According to the list of candidates in the 1946 election (the first after he took control), his place of birth was in the province of Ha Tinh. Only years later did people find out that his real place of birth was the village Kim Lien, district of Nam Dan, province of Nghe An.

Among his many names, two are most widely known. These are Ho Chi Minh (= Ho Who Enlightened) and Nguyen Ai Quoc (Nguyen the Patriot). But, as will be shown later, they were not his. He appropriated them from other persons for political purposes. Here we prefer to call him only by his real name, which is Nguyen Tat Thanh or Thanh, even after he has become Ho Chi Minh or Nguyen Ai Quoc.

His father, Nguyen Sinh Huy, attained the academic rank of "pho bang" (subdoctoral) and for some time was a small mandarin. Thanh was the youngest of the three children. His brother Nguyen Tat Dat (or Ca Khiem) did not achieve any academic success and made a living as a geomancer and Oriental physician. His sister Bach Lien or Thanh was unmarried and considered herself as a failure.

Nguyen Tat Thanh was educated at a French-Viet school and after getting a certificate of basic study in 1905 went to teach at the elementary school Duc Thanh in Phan Thiet province. In 1911, he went to France on board the Admiral Latouche-Tre'ville, earning the travel expenses by working, probably as a waiter or kitchen aid, for the Compagnie des Chargeurs Reunis, which operated the ship.

HIS FIRST MOVE IN FRANCE

The first thing he did after reaching Marseille was applying for admission to the Colonial School. Oh Sept. 15, 1911 he wrote a letter to the Minister of Colonies and the President of France. Translated, it reads as follows (a dash indicates paragraph):

--- Dear Mr. Minister,

 

Nguyen Tat Thanh, born 1892 at Vinh, son of Mr. Nguyen Sinh Huy (subdoctor in literature); - student: French, Vietnamese, Chinese characters."

---

The letter concludes with some cliches improperly joined together, making the construct grammatically incorrect (in the French version). But this in no way prevents the letter as a whole from reflecting Thanh's sincerity and eagerness in seeking admission to the Colonial School. It strongly suggests that Thanh went to France not with the idea of revolution in mind, but of seeking a career as a well-paid functionary of the France administrative system in Vietnam. This explains why Thanh did not take advantage of the Dong Du program, which was organized by Phan Boi Chau and operated throughout the country to recruit young men with revolutionary minds and long-standing anti- French mentality in the family and send them to Japan and China for training. What is more, his father, brother and sister all disliked Phan boi Chau and his revolutionary work (Dang Thai Mai, Memoirs, Hanoi, 1985, pp. 234-238).

The view that Thanh, in applying for the Colonial School was seeking a career of service to the French, is further strengthened by the fact that the application was never mentioned by Nguyen Tat Thanh and the many communists who wrote about him. In fact the two letters of application were unknown to the public until they were discovered in 1983 in the French Archives Nationales, Section d'Outre-Mer, Ecole Coloniale, by a Viet researcher. For Viet communists, this was nothing short of a bolt from the blue. Those friendly to Hanoi, like the French writer D. Hemery, tried very hard to play down the significance of those letters. Some desperately attempted to defend Nguyen Tat Thanh by saying that Thanh only adopted Phan Chu Trinh's approach, that is to cooperate with the French in order to get them to improve their colonial policies. True, Phan Chu Trinh did consider such an approach for a short time when the French governor of Indochina was evidently open to liberal ideas, but when he was replaced by a colonialist type of person, Phan Chu Trinh quickly changed his attitude toward the French. Furthermore, if Thanh had the praiseworthy intention of seeking the interests of the country through friendly cooperation with the French, then he would never have forgotten to mention his plan and elaborate on it in his book.

DID HE LIVE IN LONDON We know that Nguyen Tat Thanh was not admitted to the Colonial School. That was in 1911. We also know that toward the end of 1919, he had a permanent address in Paris. Over the intervening 8 years, there is no firm evidence of his whereabouts.

According to his book and to Hong Ha who rehashed it several pages at a time, Nguyen Tat Thanh went to London to learn English, first took odd jobs, then was employed at the famous Carlton Hotel as a dishwasher; then the French chef promoted him to a cake maker. These bits of information are interspersed among numerous stories illustrating Thanh's patriotism, revolutionary zeal, concern for the poor and endurance with hardships. Hong Ha also tells of Thanh's other revolutionary activities : "Nguyen Tat Thanh joined foreign labor unions and recruited many Viet patriots in England. Together with English workers he staged demonstrations on the banks of Thames, demanding freedom, democracy and workers' rights. With the might of a waterfall, the urge of his zeal thrust him forward over all difficulties, hardships and privations". (Hong Ha 1, p. 34).

During this period, French security was informed by a Viet person that Phan Chu Trinh (Viet patriot then living in France under surveillance) might be corresponding with a certain Nguyen Tat Thanh in London. Information on the latter was requested from the Bureau of Intelligence in London which after extensive effort failed to locate Nguyen Tat Thanh.

Records at the Foreign Office in London show the following : On June 23, 1925 the London Foreign Office received through the French Embassy a message from the French Foreign Ministry asking for help in tracing the two Viet persons Thanh and Tat Thanh who it thought might be living in London. It gave one address for each man, that for Tat Thanh being 8 Stephen Street, Tottenham, London. British Security went to work and easily found Thanh or Joseph Thanh, a student. They kept him under surveillance for years and finally removed him from the list of suspects. As for Tat Thanh years of investigation turned up nothing (Public Record Office, Foreign Office, Fo 372/668.83562 and Fo 372/668.129462, SLOTFOM IX/I0). All the above information came from a study by Nguyen The Anh who published his results in Duong Moi Magazine, No. 7 1984, Paris, under the title "What to Think about Ho Chi Minh's Life of Poverty? ".

Also according to Nguyen The Anh, Mr. Denis Duncanson, English expert on the Viet Communist Party, wrote a book entitled "Government and Revolution in Vietnam", in which he stated that stories about Ho Chi Minh's living in England, making a living as apprentice baker and occasionally visiting meeting places of the Fabian Society were all deliberate fabrications.

So all evidence strongly suggests that Nguyen Tat Thanh, after being refused admission to the Colonial School, continued to work for the Chargeurs Reunis, going from port to port and came to England occasionally but did not live there. This is in spite of the fact that in his book he could mention some accurate details about life in London. For he could easily pick up that much information from daily conversation with Phan Van Truong , a lawyer who had studied in London for many years and a benefactor who quartered Tat Thanh in his house after Thanh came to Paris. That Thanh claimed to be apprentice baker in a London hotel is only natural since that was most likely his experience when working on a merchant ship. But that was not his only opportunity to get acquainted with that type of work. Existing records at the Marx-Lenin Institute in Moscow show that Nguyen Tat Thanh, under the party name Lin and No. 375 was admitted to the Lenin International School on Sept. 16, 1934 and during the practical training period was assigned to the October Baking Factory.

DID HE WRITE TO PHAN CHU TRINH ?

Phan Chu Trinh was one of the most famous Viet patriots. Returning to Vietnam after extensive travels in Japan and China, he was arrested, received a heavy sentence but was later released and allowed to live in Paris under surveillance. It would be a great asset for an aspirant leader if the public can be convinced that he has been familiar with the few people who plan great things for the nation.

Thanh's autobiography claimed that he met Phan Chu Trinh in Paris after leaving London. Based on this, Hong Ha supplied detailed information on several missives sent from London by Nguyen Tat Thanh to Phan chu Trinh. Later on, a government publication called "Complete Collection of Viet Literature" listed 4 of them, 2 letters and a postcard allegedly in 1913 and 1 letter allegedly in 1914. As printed in the book only one letter was dated (1913) but with a footnote saying the date 1913 was derived from other information contained in Thanh's book (Tran Dan Tien). Return address was shown on only one of the 1913 letters as 10 Orchard Place, 10 Southampton Place, England, and on the 1914 letter as 8 Stephen Street, Tottenham, London. This second address was the one given by the French Foreign Ministry to the British Security in 1925 for investigation on Thanh. This seems to suggest that French security got the return address either by intercepting the letter or through an informer after Phan Chu Trinh received it; further the true date might bemore recent than 1914.

While the three letters as printed in the book were typeset, a photocopy of the postcard was shown, with a view of Dakar (French colony), English stamp and English postmark. Of course Thanh didn't have to live in England to mail a postcard there. If he was a sailor on a French merchant ship stopping off at many ports, he could buy and mail a postcard while in London or he could buy a postcard in Dakar and bring it to London to mail. ,p> In all the letters Than'h earnestly asked for a reply : "Please write to me", or "Please answer soon", or "Hoping to hear from you soon". Yet in their writings Thanh and his fawning writers could not produce a single photocopied reply from Phan chu Trinh.

Thus all indications are that Thanh was not interested in getting answers from Phan chu Trinh but only in creating the myth that he corresponded with the great patriot.

WAS HE THE REAL NGUYEN AI QUOC ?

The earliest date when the name Nguyen Ai Quoc was attached to the individual Nguyen Tat Thanh was in January 1920 and this occurred in a security report by the Viet agent Tran Quang Ham, nicknamed Jean (Archives Nationales, SLOTFOM, I 6 , Jan 6 1920). Jean wrote that he had been investigating Nguyen Ai Quoc since Dec. 1, 1919; that he lived at 6 Villa des Gobelins; that he had been in America and England before coming to France, four years ago; that he could read and write English and French proficiently and had some reading and speaking skill in Italian and Spanish; that he was not receiving financial support from any secret organization; that he wrote extensively in French newspapers, recommending reforms in colonial policies.

One point of the report is blatantly false, namely that the man could write competently in French. This contradicts Thanh himself when he wrote in his book in connection with the 8-point demand for colonial policy reform submitted to the Versailles Conference (1919) : "The idea was proposed by Mr. Nguyen Tat Thanh, but the write-up was done by lawyer Phan Van Truong, since at that time Mr. Nguyen Tat Thanh could not write in French yet" (Tran Dan Tien, p. 29). Thanh's admission was echoed by Hong Ha in Hong Ha 1, p. 49 : "While working in photographic developing for a living young Nguyen assiduously learned more French from Mr. Phan Van Truong".

The lie about Nguyen Ai Quoc's capability in French indicates that the entire report by Jean cannot be taken at face value, or even that Jean reported nothing but what Nguyen Tat Thanh wanted him to report. This latter possibility is in line with Jean's admission elsewhere that the information in his report was drawn from a conversation with Nguyen Ai Quoc when the two were visiting the Salon Aeronautique (and not from his separate investigation using other sources).

Thanh wanted it on record that he was Nguyen Ai Quoc, that he traveled and wrote extensively. For the present, the record was in some dark corner, other Viet people only knew him as Nguyen Tat Thanh. But later on, he intended to claim credit for what was done under that name.

Researchers in Paris have recently unearthed many newspaper articles, signed Nguyen Ai Quoc and written before 1919, that is before Thanh arrived or when he was a newcomer trying to learn French from Phan Van Truong. Records show that Ngnyen Ai Quoc was the pseudonym of Phan Van Truong, the man who housed Nguyen Tat Thanh and lived at 6 Villa des Gobelins, which was the address correctly declared by Thanh in Jean's report. This was also borne out in Hong Ha's writings : "As soon as he arrived in Paris, Nguyen Ai Quoc came to live at 6 Villa des Gobelins...That was the home of lawyer Phan Van Truong" (Hong Ha 1, pp. 47-48). Hong Ha might as well say : "Nguyen Ai Quoc came to live in the home of Nguyen Ai Quoc". For even security agents referred to Phan Van Truong as Nguyen Ai Quoc. This was due to the fact that newspaper articles and leaflets by Phan Van Truong had always been underwritten thus : On behalf of the group of Viet patriots : Nguyen Ai Quoc. This was Phan Van Truong's group. It consisted of Phan Van Truong, Phan Chu Trinh and Nguyen The Truyen. Only later did it add Nguyen An Ninh and Nguyen Tat Thanh.

On January 30 1920, security agent reported on the propaganda activities of the Viets in France and added : "Nguyen Ai Quoc is the man who composes leaflets and documents such as the 8-point demand of the Viet people... He acts as the general secretary of the "Group of Viet Patriots" and secretary of the "Group of Viet Revolutionaries" (Archives Nationales, SLOTFOM 1119). By Nguyen Ai Quoc, the reporter clearly meant Phan Van Truong, since by his own admission Nguyen Tat Thahh was not yet capable of that kind of writing and since it was widely known in security circles that Phan Van Truong was "the soul of all activities at 6 Villa des Gobelins".

SWIPING OTHERS' WORKS p> In Paris, Nguyen Tat Thanh tricked one friendly agent into identifying him by the name Nguyen Ai Quoc. Thirty years later, in Hanoi, he took credit for things done in Paris under that name and wrote in his book : "Mr. Nguyen Ai Quoc (himself) organized the patriotic Viet people in Paris and in the provinces and led the group in introducing the 8-point demand at the 1919 Conference of Versailles" (p. 29).

In 1925, a document called "Proceedings Against French Colonization" was published in Paris by Librairie du Travail (Quai de Jemmapes, 96 Paris). Prefaced by Nguyen The Truyen, one of the 3 members of the group, it included 3 volumes, the first by Nguyen Ai Quoc, the second by Nguyen The Truyen and the third by Nguyen Ai Quoc. Later, the Hanoi regime republished the work without Nguyen The Truyen's preface and without his second volume, giving the impression that the entire work was by Nguyen Ai Quoc. This done, Thanh and his hack writers were ready to claim that he was the sole author of the Proceedings, because they had induced the public to believe that Nguyen Ai Quoc was Nguyen Tat Thanh : "The Proceedings against French Colonization by Comrade Nguyen Ai Quoc was published in France in 1925. It dealt with the hardships of the people of Vietnam and other nations under the barbarous rule of French colonialists" (Su That Publ. 2, p. 100).

But Nguyen Ai Quoc, the author of the first and third volumes was Phan Van Truong, not Nguyen Tat Thanh, because in Paris Phan Van Truong used that name publicly and extensively and it is unthinkable that he knowingly transferred that name to Nguyen Tat Thanh, the lowest ranking member of his group of five.

Removing Nguyen The Truyen from the Proceedings facilitated Thanh's claim and represented the first step in deposing the man. The second step was carried out by Dang Xuan Thieu, one of Thanh's underlings. Thieu's hatchet job came in the form of a cheap satirical poem portraying Nguyen The Truyen as a playboy, a womanizer, an empty-talk revolutionary accommodating to French colonialism and brushing aside the cause of the country.

The character assassination was connived at, perhaps urged on, by Thanh whom the victim had offered much assistance and a model of true leadership. Nguyen The Truyen joined the two Phan brothers to fight for reforms in the French colonial policies and promote the interests of Vietnam. He was a member of the French Communist Party but withdrew in 1927 when it became clear that communism was unacceptable. Thanh stayed with the party but continued to get help from Nguyen The Truyen, not only for himself but for his friends who needed a period of training in Paris before going to Moscow.

Nguyen The Truyen was the founder and editor of two papers : one in French, called "Le Paria" (the pariah), the other in Viet language, called "Viet Nam Hon" (the soul of Vietnam). Thanh admitted that somewhat implicitly in a 1926 report that he sent from China to his bosses in Moscow (see below). Dang Xuan Thieu who wrote a poem to smear Nguyen The Truyen, added the following footnote to his work : "Viet Nam Hon - the first 3 words of the 15th verse - is the name of the nationalist party's paper founded by Nguyen The Truyen". But all this did not prevent other Thanh adulators from appropriating the credit for their master. Thus Hong Ha wrote : "Thinking of his compatriots and realizing that awareness would require propaganda and education, Nguyen Tat Thanh decided to create a vehicle in Viet language with the name Viet Nam Hon" (Hong Ha 1, p. 189).

Grabbing the name Nguyen Ai Quoc allowed Thanh to take credit for anything done under that name : organization, demonstrations, 8-point demand, proceedings against French colonial policies, publications. But Phan Van Truong always used his pseudonym Nguyen Ai Quoc as a representative of his group. This led many Viets living in Paris at the time to regard the name Nguyen Ai Quoc as the name of the group itself. To ensure success, it was necessary therefore for Thanh and his men to discredit not only Nguyen The Truyen but the other two leaders as well, namely Phan Chu Trinh and Phan Van Truong.

In his book Nguyen Tat Thanh wrote : "It should be noted here that Phan Chu Trinh and Phan Van Truong were not in favor of the activities of the group of patriotic Viets" (p. 29). Then Hong Ha spun this yarn : "Phan Chu Trinh disliked training and study. He enjoyed billiard games at Ludeau, 14 rue de Sorbonne... Phan Van Truong stayed away from people's activities, was fickle, timorous and tried to avoid entanglements". Having said that, Hong Ha immediately fabricated a French report which says : "There are signs that Phan Chu Trinh's thinking is far different from that of Nguyen Ai Quoc..."

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Press Release (#1/1999)

On February 11, 1999, various newspapers, both Vietnamese and American, asked for comments by Mr. NGUYEN XUAN PHONG, Consul General of the Consulate of Vietnam in San Francisco, about the decision by the Superior Court of California in and for the Orange County on the display of Vietnam's national flag and the picture of President Ho Chi Minh. Followings are the answers:

1. What do you think of Mr. Tran Van Truong's display of Vietnam's national flag and the picture of President Ho Chi Minh?

Answer: Watching the reverent rite by Mr. Tran Van Truong's wife in front of the picture of President Ho Chi Minh and Vietnam's national flag that was shown on Little Saigon TV, I understand that the display of the flag and the picture constitutes a way of expressing the sacred feelings of Mr. Truong family. It does no harm to anyone and should be respected.

2. What are your comments on the decision of the Judge of the Orange County Court on February 10 to grant back Mr. Truong the right to display Vietnam's national flag and the picture of President Ho Chi Minh?

Answer: I think that the Judge has acted in accordance with her responsibility, which is to preserve the severity of the US laws. The decision by the Judge on February 10 conforms to the spirit and letter of the US Constitution. From my perspective, I would like to add that such a decision is in conformity with objective historical truth and international practice. The historical truth is that the red-fielded and yellow-starred flag came into being together with Vietnam's independence in 1945 after 80 years under the domination of the French colonialists. In the following several decades, the flag was a symbol of the Vietnamese struggle for the defense of national independence, freedom and unity. Today, it is the national flag of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam. 80 million Vietnamese people are united under that flag battling for national construction and defense. The international practice is that the United Nations and nearly 170 countries in the world have recognized the Socialist Republic of Vietnam whose national flag is red-fielded and yellow-starred. The United States of America is one of those countries. With all these reasons said, the red-fielded and yellow-starred flag is fully entitled to enjoy a legitimate and dignified presence on the US territories in the spirit of respect for independence, sovereignty and legitimate interests of the American people.

3. How about the display of the picture of President Ho Chi Minh?

Answer: I can also present historical truths and international practice in regard to President Ho Chi Minh. The historical truth is that President Ho Chi Minh has made great contribution to the cause for national independence, freedom and unity of Vietnam and left an invaluable ideological, cultural and moral legacy for the present and future Vietnamese generations. With such contribution and heritage, President Ho Chi Minh has become the respected and beloved leader of the Vietnamese people and enjoyed the respect of other peoples in the world. Internationally, President Ho Chi Minh has been recognized by UNESCO as a great man of culture of the world. Recently, the TIME magazine included President Ho Chi Minh in the list of 20 most influential leaders of the twentieth century. In his article on those leaders, Mr. Karno, an American journalist and historian, writes: President Ho Chi Minh combined nationalism with communism and perfected the arts of the guerrilla war;... he was a seasoned leader, a whole-hearted patriot who had been pursuing only one goal: fighting for the independence of his country.

4. What can you say about those who are fighting against the display of Vietnam's flag and the picture of President Ho Chi Minh?

Answer: They are people who are still tied to the past and not yet willing to find for themselves a rightful place in the presence and the future of the Vietnamese nation. It is regrettable! People may understand their situation as well as their feelings and opinions. But that doesn't mean that they have the right to impose their own feelings and opinions on other people, much less on the young people who have healthy feelings and opinion in conformity with the development trend of the country and our time.

 

http://www.vietnamconsulate-sf.org/Press1.html

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Annex V

THEME PAPERS

 

A. VIET NAM - A NATION OF PEACE AND TOLERANCE

(On the Vietnamese Traditional Endeavor for Peace)

by Mr Duong Trung Quoc, Secretary General, Viet Nam Association of History Research

1. A Nation with an Age-Old Culture of Tolerance and Integration

In the Vietnamese people's traditional education system, Tam Tu Kinh (a school manual in Chinese characters with only three-worded sentences) started: "Man was born with humanist nature".

It is true in all cases. But for each locality and community with different circumstances, men and their community will have different cultural characters reflected in the ways of life and greater social conducts, i.e. the relations within one community or between different nations.

Viet Nam was born thousands of years ago in the basin of the Red and Ma River. In the course of time and with their indigenous strength, the people of Viet Nam extended their land across the rivers flowing to the Eastern Sea from the Truong Son Range... Three centuries ago, it had extended itself to the fertile Mekong Delta, completing the border of the nation under the name of Dai Viet (Great Viet), Dai Nam (Great Southern State), and now Viet Nam.

On the world map, Viet Nam links the Eastern and Southern parts of Asia where exist two longest and greatest cultures of the humankind: the Indian and Chinese cultures. Geographically it is the location with a double name, i.e. India-China consisting of numerous countries in Southeast Asia, with an S-shaped country called Viet Nam. Geopolitically there was once a locality as a French colony under the name of India- China or l'Indochine francaise (French Indochina) consisting of three countries divided into five parts... which existed for half a century (1897-1945) in a federation-like linkage.

These geographical features had strong impacts on the social life and contributed to shaping the characters of the Vietnamese and their community. Therefore two permanent factors that exerted strong influences on Viet Nam's culture are: the India and China ones, plus another element imported under specific circumstances of each historical period and the indigenous culture of the Vietnamese and other ethnic minorities of the Community.

These factors are analysed below:

(i) Lying close to a great kingdom and also a great culture in the North, i.e. China, the Vietnamese through different periods of history came under two- way profound and constant impacts: acceptance (of those elements which added to national strength) and resistance (to avoid the danger of assimilation). The Chinese culture had both familiar features of a wetland-rice civilization in the South and the alien ones of the nomad civilization with dry-land rice cultivation in the North. And above all was the politio-culture of Great Han Expansionism. Pressure of possible invasions from the North became a permanent factor... All these contributed to the flexible cultural conduct of the Vietnamese people towards the China factor: acceptance (for national strength) while resistance in principle but not to the political extreme (to preserve national independence).

(ii) Though far away in geographical terms, the Indian Culture had no less profound influence mainly through Buddhism on the culture of Viet Nam and on the characters of the Vietnamese, particularly those communities living in the Northern part of Viet Nam who took part in the constant Southern Advance in their long history. The Vietnamese people had once accepted Buddhism as their National Religion (e.g. Ly -Tran Dynasties). Unlike the salvage infiltration of the China factor (in the wake of the invasion or domination), the Indian Culture came in through long and peaceful Buddhist missions.The Southeast Asian environment under profound influence of the Indian culture together with the island and wetland rice culture constituted a constant counter-weight to the Chinese culture up North. But they became two supplementary sources through Viet Nam's cultural conduct imbued with tolerance and integration.

(iii) As a nation, Viet Nam on its own account had opportunities to get into contact with different cultures. In the course of their history, the Vietnamese people also came to the contacts with the French, Japanese, Russian and American cultures. This helped enrich their culture and at the same time further promoted their openness and integration, which contributed to formulating their conduct toward such issues as war and peace, hostility and cooperation...

(iv) The outstanding traditional values which stemmed from the Wetland Rice Civilization created factors for shaping the characters of Viet Nam and its people. The requirement for concerted efforts and cooperation in harnessment and exploitation of water resources brought the communal spirit of the Vietnamese people to a fore. The role of hamlets, villages, production teams and communities (in management of production tools, dikes and irrigation systems) became very important. Besides the kin relationship and family role, the neighbouring relations was respected, the relations between communities being strengthened.

The afore-mentioned factors constituted a foundation for the early formulation in Viet Nam of the elements that contained a Culture of Peace. Is it due to these cultural factors that in Viet Nam's history, those most sensitive issues related to war and violence like the religious and ethnic ones didn't become acute. The conduct by the State and people related to religious issues imbued with tolerance; some religious and/or ethnic conflicts were often linked with political manoeuvers (e.g. the Leftist-killing policy under Nguyen Dynasty or the abuse of religions by colonialism...).

In Viet Nam, while the indigenous religions and faiths were maintained, new religions were accepted for peaceful co-existence, without any discrimination. "Tam giao dong nguyen" ("Buddhism, Confucianism and Taoism all came from one source") was unique in a sense that it accepted their peaceful co-existence in the people's social and spiritual life. Caodaism, a special phenomenon of this century was a vivid testimony to the Vietnamese people's cultural conduct towards tolerance and harmony. The characteristics of a traditional Vietnamese society was outlined by Nguyen Ai Quoc in his "Appeal to the League of Nations" on 30 August 1926:

"...What was Viet Nam like before the French domination? It was an independent country, which knew how to earn respect from its neighbours while still despising war and military obligations by using only its militiamen for national defence. It was a democracy under absolute monarchy but hamlets and villages still enjoyed freedom and autonomy, education at all levels being free, and feudalism and the clergy being discarded. It was a nation founded on the linguistic, religious, ethnic and customs unity. And finally, as admitted by the French personalities, the Vietnamese have a culture of good virtues".

As for ethnic relations, there was in history oppression by the feudal regimes of ethnic minorities and their uprisings against the regime, but there was no ethnic conflict. The policy on peaceful co-existence, solidarity among ethnic minorities, linkages through cross-marriages, persuasion and linkages by the State was pursued... This was clearly reflected in time of resistance war for national salvation, and particularly in the cause of national liberation in the XX century.

These are the traditional foundation of the factors for a culture of peace in the age-old Vietnamese culture. In time of peace, it came in a natural manner in rural communities, in customs, faiths and in the richness of the folklore treasure. It became more visualised particularly in time of war trials.

2. A Nation Suffering from Numerous Wars Earnestly Longs for Peace

Viet Nam has its age-old history and thousand years-long culture. But when referring to Viet Nam's history, one tends to focus on its continuous wars and its tradition of fighting against foreign aggressions for national salvation. Only one look at the passing XX century is enough to appraise the fighting spirit of the Vietnamese people to found a state, and to defend national independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity. Starting from the verse "the mountains and rivers of this Southern nation were inhabited by its King and people" by Ly Thuong Kiet on the Nhu Nguyet frontline in the X century to the Declaration of Independence and "Nothing is more precious than independence and freedom" by Ho Chi Minh in the XX century, it was a long way in the struggle for national survival: The Ly Dynasty had to fight the Sung aggression. The Tran Dynasty three times defeated the Mongols. The Le Dynasty started after 20 years-long domination by the Ming invaders and 10 years of resistance. Then came the Trinh-Nguyen conflict; the Tay Son defeated the Siamese, and drove the Qing aggressors out of the country. Next was nearly one hundred years under the French domination. And finally the XX century was recorded as the hiatus of the struggle for national liberation: under the leadership of the Viet Nam Communist Party and President Ho Chi Minh, the Vietnamese people conducted a successful revolution to wrest back independence, then carried out a thirty years-long war to defeat two great power and reunified the country...

But the entire history of these ferocious wars only sheds light on the burning aspiration for and tradition of peace of the Vietnamese people. They were always victims of wars of aggression and forced to take up arms to fight for national defence, the only means that they had to use to preserve peace not for themselves, but for other peoples as well.

Even those wars that the Vietnamese had to conduct outside their border like the attacks by Ly Thuong Kiet against the Kham and Liem Prefectures in the X century, or the war against the Khmer Rouge-Polpot genocidal clique in the XX century were out of self-defence. By this time, when the Khmer Rouge genocidal clique has been wiped out and tried, the world community can understand more clearly what Viet Nam had to do in the 1980's (1979-1989).

Historical evidences will also testify to the wish by Viet Nam's fuedal dynasties to have friendship with their neighbours, and their readiness to accept the status of a vessal state with all the rituals of submission to the big power just to preserve friendship, to avoid war on a fundamental principle of preserving their national independence and territorial integrity. That was a consistant lines in the history of diplomacy of Viet Nam's feudal dynasties.

The peace-loving spirit, and the aspiration to build relations of friendship and harmony were also manifest even after the victories in the war of resistance against foreign aggression. It showed the human attitude in the settlement of the war consequences, the willingness to bury the hatchet, to abolish the hot bed of war and to build friendly relations.

Examples can be best taken from the war of resistance against the Ming aggressors in the XV century.

In the two years from 1426 to 1427, the Ming aggressors were determined to escalate the war by five times deployment of soldiers to make a 300.000-strong army. In the Chi Lang, Xuong Giang battles, our insurgents had worn down the enemy's force and began to encircle Dong Quan fortress where 100.000 Ming soldiers were stationed under General Vuong Thong's command. The Ming aggressors' crimes were "hated by the people, and not forgiven by the Almighty" as Nguyen Trai wrote in the "Announcement on the Ming's Defeat". Someone advised Le Loi of "killing them all". But standing for "winning the heart and mind to defeat the enemy without launching battles", Le Loi deployed his army to surround the fortress while his talented and humanist adviser Nguyen Trai patiently send letters of persuasion and he himself five times entered the "tiger's den to convince them of an armistice for the interests of the two countries at war" (Thank-giving Letter). The war finally ended as Nguyen Trai wrote in his "Chi Linh Verse":

"For long-lasting peace of the country,
Spare the surrendered soldiers' life,
Feed thousands of them,
Restore friendly relations between the two countries,
Eliminate war forever,
Just to defend territorial integrity and national security"

 

Then the two sides held an oath-swearing ritual on 10 December 1427 when Vuong Thong pledged "to bring the troops home without waiting for the reinforcement". On 29 December the encirclement was lifted and the Ming aggressors began withdrawing. "The Ming troops came to Bo De, Le Loi and Nguyen Trai's headquarters, taking a bow, weeping from thanks and shame... before going home" (Dai Viet Su ky Toan thu, Book 10, p.47a).

"Great humanity over tyranny and wisdom over violence " was the Vietnamese people's pattern of striving for peace, thus "the nation has been safe and reformed ever since" (The Announcement)

It should be added that after ending the war peacefully, Le Loi took the initiative to free 20.000 prisoners, letting them go home with all their weapons. On the significance of the victory, Nguyen Trai wrote: " our people get out of a miserable situation and equally the Chinese soldiers out of the unhappiness of the war", "our two countries out of the misfortune of the war", and

 

"China and Viet Nam now belong to one family,
No more bubblings ever since in the seas"

 

The humanist and peaceful ideas can be said to lie in the core of all the Vietnamese people's just struggles.

 

After the victory in his blitz attacks that defeated the Qing aggressors in the Year of the Chicken (1789), Quang Trung Nguyen Hue on the one hand ordered all Le Chieu Thong followers to return home; they didn't have to serve as mandarins if they so wished; and on the other hand, he ordered to feed the Qing prisoners of war and surrendered soldiers. Quang Trung made clear his humanist policy in "Decree on the POW's":

"In war, it is normal to kill the enemy. But it is unprecedented to free the captured enemy soldiers... The captured or surrendered soldiers should have been beheaded to deter others. But in conformity with the Almighty's wish and for tolerance, I spare your lives. I decree that you won't be beaten or shackled, but will join the army and be fed instead"

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Quang Trung also ordered to gather the corpses to bury and set up temples along the rivers for their annual rituals. Furthermore, he sent envoys to China with his apologies and requests for reconciliation.

In the most recent wars of resistance for national defence, the Vietnamese people's tradition of peace still prevails. It was clearly reflected in the revolutionary guidelines, and particularly in President Ho Chi Minh.

We have now had sufficient evidences to show that the first and second Indochina wars are the products of the war-mongering factions in the French and the US political circles in total disregard of the goodwill and the wish for peace on the part of Viet Nam. Historical archives showed that all the efforts and determination by President Ho Chi Minh in the diplomatic activities in 1945-1946 aimed at avoiding the conflict and at fostering a relations of friendship and cooperation with France after the Second World War didn't succeed due to the manoeuvers of sabotage and hindrance from the colonialist force in the French Right.

The Viet Nam War by the US had ended. The admission by McNamara revealed that the United States had made serious mistakes in intervening in and launching the war of aggression against Viet Nam. While determined to wage a war of liberation, Viet Nam often looked to the opportunities to settle it at the negotiation table. We despise war and love peace on a fundamental principle of safeguarding national sovereignty. "A people who earnestly loves their own independence should not encroach upon the other's". That is the soul of genuine internationalism, the foundation of a genuine peace.

It is therefore in my opinion, the statement by President Ho Chi Minh at the most salvage time of the war "Nothing is more precious than independence and freedom" is also the most profound appeal for peace, and the very content of the idea of peace in Viet Nam's culture./.

B. SOME IDEAS ON PEACE AND THE CULTURE OF PEACE

by Mr Nguyen Van Huynh, Vice President, Viet Nam Peace Committee

It is my honor as member of the Viet Nam Peace Committee to attend the seminar on the culture of peace organized in Hanoi by the Viet Nam National Commission for UNESCO in its co-operation with the UNESCO/Paris to prepare the program of actions in response to the decision taken by the United Nations to name the year 2000 as the international year of the culture of peace.

This is not only a significant event in the international life today but also an appropriate step to push up world peace movement as it is happening at a time when the mankind is in the juncture of the two centuries.

The 20th century which is coming to a close has left into the mankind's history two hot world wars, one cold war, and hundreds of regional wars and military conflicts which have caused uncountable damage to materials and killed more than one hundred million people. Even today when we are here in a peaceful atmosphere to discuss the most important issue of all the time that is peace and the culture of peace, and all mankind are hoping for the betters in the coming century, the people of the Republic of Yugoslavia, an independent and sovereign state is suffering fierce air strikes by NATO.

The 21st century is approaching with our earnest hope of durable peace, love, co-operation and prosperous and sustainable development. But "the development of technology and military weapons has resulted in what amounts to a shrinking of our planet. Economic intercourse between countries has made the nations of the world more dependent upon one another than ever before". That situation has been always putting before mankind opportunities and challenges, calling for the necessity to joint hand globally to fight, to educate and to create and consolidate the culture of peace.

The questions of peace, its culture as well as violence has their history as old as the mankind's history and civilization. While the culture of peace upholds the common values and the objectives of all mankind, the violence in the contrary focuses into the destruction and annihilation of mankind itself.

The maxim based on the saying of the Romans that "if you desire peace, prepare for war" has been always prevailing the mind of the forces hanging on violence to satisfy their ambition to rule the world and other nations and becoming their traditional means to settle conflicts, On the other end there is the belief of the people desiring, fighting and educating for peace as "peace is every one's business".

Nowadays there are two concepts existing together . The narrow one is that peace means the absence of war and the larger one is that peace is not only the absence of war as the root of wars and of conflicts is not only to come from the ambition to rule the world but also to come from hunger, diseases, backward development, illiteracy, exploitation, oppression, destruction of the environment and other reasons. The president of the Republic of South Africa, Mr. Nelson Mandela is right when he said that security for minority was insecure for all. That means there will be no genuine peace when there is no equality, no independence and no freedom.

To build the culture of peace first of all is to change the conception on peace and carry out the education for peace as "war occurred in the man's mind that is why the fortress to defence peace must be built in the man's mind itself' .

The conception of peace and war has its deep psychological impact because if a, man focuses on war either hoping to victory or fearing the destruction, in subtle ways he may make war probable. Conversely if a man tends ' himself on peace, especially if he is realistic as well as imaginative in his thinking he will work for peace, and for the defense of peace. He will focus on reconciliation tolerance, non-violence, responsibility, mutual respect and positive co-operation, etc. That is the contrary between war and peace, between the violence and the culture of peace. Through peace is sacred and noble but it is not at any price and must be in national independence, freedom and development, must closely bind to democracy and social progress.

Since the end of the cold war, the danger of another world war has been pushed back but the regional wars, the military, ethical, religious conflicts, the military interventions has been taken place more than before at the same time the struggle of the world peace loving people has been gaining momentum day by day . Its content is still bearing the characters of our time and demonstrating positively the basis content of the building of the culture of peace. That is :

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To struggle for disarmament, complete abolition of nuclear and mass destructive weapons, total ban of nuclear tests, ban of high-tech conventional weapons, demilitarisation of the oceans and outerspace, withdrawal of the military foreign forces and bases, dismantlement of the military alliances, reduction of military budget, ban of arm trade, to struggle against the force policy and manipulation.

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To carry out solidarity activities with the people struggling for peace, national independence, democracy and social progress; to settle the conflicts through peaceful means; indentification of the UN responsibility towards the regional conflicts, opposition to the views sidling the manipulation policies; co-operation with the non-aligned movement.

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To struggle for development for eradication of poverty, of diseases, of foreign debts, for reduction of military spending in order to improve social economic development, for opposition to the reduction of social budget and to reduction of development aid, to struggle against unemployment, pushing up the South-South, North-South cooperation, to build a new world economic order,, to support the non governmental organisation's activities for peace, humanity and development.

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To support the struggle for protection of environment, to struggle on the issues of desolation of the nuclear wastes and nuclear accidents, to demand the developed countries to take main responsibility in the environmental protection and not to use the environmental question in order to cause conflicts and manipulation.

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To struggle on the issues of human and human right, to protect human rights and basis freedom rights, not separating the political, economic, social cultural rights with each others, the human rights and self national rights and rights of development, to struggle against the apartheid, ethics, and religionist; pushing up the education for peace, for tolerance and the activities for a culture of peace.

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To struggle for the democratisation of the UN, opposition to the abuse of the power of the Security Council of the UN, to struggle for an equal world order, opposition to the manipulation policies of the international economic and financial institutions.

President Ho Chi Minh, a world's cultural celebrity is the founder, organiser and leader of peace activities of Viet Nam and the Viet Nam Peace Committee. His ideas of peace constitute major orientations for the goal of building the culture of peace in Viet Nam.

Throughout 4,000 years of National construction and defence, Viet Nam has built a culture profound with national identity filled with deep humanity, acts as the foundation for the construction of a culture of peace. Since the founding of the Viet Nam Communist Party in 1930 , under the leadership of the Party and Ho Chi Minh , the Vietnamese culture and its culture of peace have been brought into full play. And it was Ho Chi Minh who laid the foundations for Viet Nam's current culture of peace with the deep thinking that "no thing is more precious than national independence and freedom". That demontrates in his life, his work his cause thinking and will we would rather sacrifice all but never let loss the country and be the slavery or that a genuine peace must be a real independence.

Nearly 50 years ago, in order to actively respond and contribute to the world peace movement during our people's resistance war against French colonialists, President Ho Chi Minh advocated to launch the movement and the foundation of the Viet Nam Committee for Defence of World Peace in November 19, 1950 at the Viet Bac Revolutionary base where He was elected as honorary Chairman of the VPC and Viet Nam's peace fighter No1.

The coming into being of the Viet Nam Committee for defense of world peace met the entire people's peace desire , thus winning the active response and participation of the Vietnamese people and the strong and widespread support by the world peace movement.

Over the past years the peace campaign has been continuously maintained to take signatures for total abolishment of nuclear weapons, to organize such peace activities as peace-run, peace-bicycle races and environmental day for peace in many localities... As a founding member of the World Peace Council and one of its Vice-President , the Viet Nam Peace Committee has established relations with hundreds of national and international peace organizations, and together with friends all over the world responded to and participated in peace activities, playing a worthy role in the world peace movement.

President Ho Chi Minh's ideas on the close ties between the struggle for peace of our people and the world people has become the impetus for peace activities in Viet Nam during the last half century, creating effective results contributing to implementing our revolutionary tasks in different periods and to the world peace movement. Addressing at the second National Congress of the Communist Party of Viet Nam, in the Political Report, He pointed out that "The world situation is closely linked to the situation of our country. The victory of the Democracy is ours and our victory is the Democracy's. So, our current motto is "To totally seize independence, unity and to safeguard world peace".

In reality, President Ho Chi Minh has spent much work following and conducting activities of the Viet Nam peace movement, in which he attached great work of the world peace movement into ours and also cared much for the methods of peace activities. In His Report at the fourth plenary meeting of the Central Committee of the Party (of the second Congress) at the end of January 1953 when dealing with the peace movement He said that: "in recent years, we have done, but made mistakes, had activities in width but not in depth, in formal but not in practical , as we only relied on the work of some particular cardres while others have not attached much attention of it. This year, we need to do it more practically so as to make our people understand that to support to the world peace is to closely relate to the development of our resistance".

The just struggle of our people for peace national independence, freedom and unification in the past as well as the task of peace, reconstruction and protection at present containing noble humanity values and being the basic content of a culture of peace has gained the support and encourage of the peace solidarity and friendship movement in the world and in many countries . A front of world people including the French and American people in solidarity with Viet Nam was in reality formed at a time, many peace organizations in the world and in countries considered the activities in support to Viet Nam as one of their primarytasks, a Viet Nam generation had come in being in the world.

Today the renovation process which is implemented in our country have gained important achievements. The cause of building socialism and defending the Fatherland of our people is enjoying the support from forces of peace, national independence, democracy and progress all over the world. A lot of international organizations and foreign friends have been cooperating with us to implement humanitarian aid projects, to get over the war consequences, to alleviate poverty and hunger etc.

Imbued with the President Ho Chi Minh's ideas while expressing the gratitude to the international friends for their solidarity sentiment our people have cooperated actively with them , endorsing any initiative of countries for peace, national liberation, promoting friendship relation and cooperation, supporting 5 principles of peaceful coexistence, anticipating the movement of total band and abolition of nuclear weapons, supporting and participating into activities in response to the year 1986, the international year of peace, and to the decade of cultural development (1988-1997). That has heightened the symbol and position of Viet Nam in the world thus making the name of "Viet Nam- Ho Chi Minh" being considered as a symbol of peace and friendship and being still deep in the memory of international friends. That also makes our people more confident in their struggle for peace, independence and development.

The Political report of the 8th National Congress of the Communist Party of Viet Nam pointed out that:" In the field of external relations, out task in the period to come consists in consolidating the peaceful environment and creating further favourable international conditions to step up socio-economic development and national industrialization and modernization in service of national construction and defence, making active contributions to the common struggle of the world's people for peace, national independence, democracy and social progress".

'That is the objective of the peace movement in Viet Nam and of the Viet Nam Peace Committee and also basic contents in the building of a culture of peace aimed at creating a peaceful and stable environment for national construction and defence and building a prosperous, powerful civilized and equitable Viet Nam.

At the turn of the century, the year 2000 is the one with many important anniversaries and festivals that include many peace activities. The Viet Nam Peace Committee, as a socio-political organization working for peace and friendship, warmly welcomes the decision taken by the UN General Assembly to name the year 2000 the international year of the culture of peace. Considering the building of the culture of peace a long-term task , in the near future, the Viet Nam Peace Committee will map out programs - of action to welcome the great events of the year 2000, positively mobilize all strata of people to be involved in peace activities, respond to activities in the international year, of the culture of peace with the great confidence in the future of peace, cooperation and development./.

C. VIETNAMESE LAWS AND PEACE

by

Dr Vu Duc Khien, Member of the NA Standing Committee,
Chairman of the NA Committee for Legal Affairs

Striving for peace, national independence and freedom, and for the people's prosperous and happy life is the great and glorious cause of the Communist Party and Government of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam. Right after the success of the August Revolution (1945), in the Declaration of Independence on September 2, 1945, President Ho Chi Minh solemnly proclaimed to his fellow-countrymen and to the world that "Viet Nam has the right to freedom and independence, and it is now a real free and independent state. The entire people are determined to dedicate all their spirit and strength, their lives and property to the defence of their right to freedom and independence".

The determination to fight against oppression and exploitation for a peaceful, prosperous, free and happy life of the people has become a refined tradition in the Vietnamese people's thousand-year long history of national building and defence. That tradition was reflected in the ancestors' teaching which was passed down from generations to generations:

"As sharing the same trellis,
The calabash should love the cucurbit."

Or

"The fine silk cloth should cover the mirror,
And the people of one country should love each other."

It is certain that those who have good knowledge of Viet Nam's history are all aware of a uniquely famous piece of literature in its history- The Announcement on the Ming's Defeat" by Nguyen Trai. In the XV century, after the victory in prolonged heroic resistance war full of hardships, and after the foreign aggressors had to withdraw, a great and humanistic-imbued idea was reaffirmed:

"Humanity lies in the security of the people,
Tyranny should be gotten rid of
Humanity over tyranny,
Wisdom over violence"

It is clear that from a long time back, the Vietnamese people had to take up arms to fight foreign aggression just for "the people's safety" and "justice". In late XIX and early XX centuries, the Vietnamese people fought against the French domination just to gain peace, national independence, and the people's prosperity and happiness. It was until August 1945, under the leadership of the Communist Party, that the Vietnamese people seized power after nearly eighty years under foreign domination. The 1946 Constitution, the first one of a Democratic Republic of Viet Nam, confirmed: "with their spirit of unity and endeavour, under a widely democratic regime, Viet Nam is now independent, united, advancing on the glorious road to happiness, keeping good pace with the progressive trend of the world and the aspiration for peace of the humankind".

That is equally the objective of the United Nations as enshrined in its Charter adopted on 24 October 1945. But right after the Vietnamese people seized power, the French colonialists and the US imperialists waged an unjust war that lasted over thirty years in an attempt to re-impose their domination upon these people. But with the Dien Bien Phu victory in 1954 and the Great Spring Victory in 1975, the Vietnamese people once again wrested back their national independence and reunified their country. Despite their complete defeat, the French colonialists and the US imperialists didn't give up their dark manoeuvres against the Vietnamese people; they incited the fear of vengeance and blood-bath among those who collaborated with them, forcing them into a massive migration from the North in 1954 and evacuation out of the country in 1975. In implementing a policy of national unity and harmony, the Government and people of Viet Nam didn't take revenge upon anyone. Even with the French and American prisoners of war and surrendered soldiers who had directly involved in the killing and destruction, the Vietnamese people still treated them humanely and allowed them to go home in accordance with the agreements signed between the Government of Viet Nam, France and the United States.

After the complete liberation of the south and reunification of the country, Viet Nam quickly joined the United Nations in order to work together with the other UN members in the struggle for the protection of their legitimate rights and interests, and for the preservation of word peace. In a statement to the General Assembly on 20 September 1977 (the day Viet Nam joined the United Nations), the representative of the Vietnamese Government reaffirmed: "The people of Viet Nam are determined to fight for the legitimate rights of the human beings, first and foremost the right to national independence, the socio-economic rights of every nation. Viet Nam has no more burning aspiration other than peace and independence".

With a consistent position to resolutely fight for peace and independence of their own and of other peoples in the world, the Government and people of Viet Nam have actively worked towards joining the ASEAN. At a ceremony to accept Viet Nam as the 7th member of this organisation, the representative of the Vietnamese Government solemnly stated: "Viet Nam is persistently carrying out the policy of comprehensive renovation and making efforts to implement a foreign policy of openness, diversity and multilateralism in the spirit of wishing to befriend all countries in world community, striving for peace, independence and development.

It is noteworthy that peace was consitutionalised in the 1980 Constitution promulgated after the national reunification. It stipulated: The Socialist Republic of Viet Nam protects and develops the relations of friendship with its neighbouring countries, solidarity with all countries fighting for national independence and social progress; it pursues a policy of peaceful co-existence with countries of different socio-political systems on the basis of mutual respect for national independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity, non-interference into each others internal affairs, equality and mutual benefits; actively supports and contributes to the world peoples struggle for peace, national independence, democracy and socialism. The 1992 Constitution of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, the one of the renovation period, further qualifies the afore-mentioned content as follows: "The Socialist Republic of Viet Nam pursues a policy of peace, friendship, expanded exchange and cooperation with all countries in the world regardless of their political and social systems, on the basis of mutual respect for independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity, non-interference in each others internal affairs, equality and mutual benefits; strengthening solidarity, friendship and cooperation with the socialist countries and neighbouring countries; actively supports and contributes to the common struggle of the world peoples for peace, national independence, democracy and social progress.

Another point that should be emphasised is in all Viet Nam’s constitutions, the citizen’s basic rights and duties are specifically stipulated, particularly the rights to freedom and democracy, to equality before the law, to ownership, to physical inviolability, to accommodation, to complaints...These rights have been specified and guaranteed in Viet Nam’s system of legal documents.

To concretise the provisions on a policy of peace, friendship, expanded exchange and cooperation with all countries in the world as stipulated in the Constitutions, on 20 August 1998, the National Assembly Standing Committee adopted a Decree on the Signing and Implementation of International Treaties in order to strengthen friendship and relations of cooperation between the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam and other countries and peoples in the world, thus contributing to peace and international cooperation, carrying on the tasks of national construction and defence; and at the same time ensuring the serious implementation of its international commitments, and to reinforce state management on international treaties that the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam has signed. The entire Chapter 4 is dedicated to the implementation of international treaties, in which Articles 23 and 24 focus on the compliance and implementation of international treaties: "The Socialist Republic of Viet Nam seriously complies to the treaties it has signed, and equally demands other signatories should do likewise" (Article 23). "The State office that proposes the signing should submit to the Government the plan for implementation of the international treaty to be signed, in which it should detail the implementation process, organisational, managerial and financial measures and other proposals to ensure the implementation of the treaty. Ministries and other concerned branches should discharge their functions to guarantee the implementation of the treaties that the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam has signed" (Article 24).

The 1986 Marriage and Family Law, the 1995 Civil Code, the 1998 Criminal Procedure contain numerous provisions in which the organisation, mutual agreement on dispute settlement to prevent tensions within the communities are encouraged. For instance, Article 11 of the Civil Code stipulates: "In civil relations, reconciliation in conformity with the law is encouraged. No-one is allowed to use or threaten to use force in the settlement of a civil dispute. Particularly the Decree on reconciliation at the grassroots level adopted by the National Assembly Standing Committee on 25 December 1998 clearly reflects the guideline on bringing into play the tradition of unity, mutual assistance in the community, using persuasion to bring the parties to agreement, to voluntarily settle their disputes and differences in order to preserve the unity among the people, to prevent the violation of the law, to maintain social order and safety. Facts show that these legal documents on reconciliation have made positive contributions to fostering relations of friendship, unity and mutual assistance within the population in different regions of the country.

In reference to Viet Nam’s laws and peace, it would be lop-sided if mention is not made of the Criminal Code with provisions of strong deterrence to those who won’t respect the civilised social order, the legitimate rights and interests of others. Two fundamental and progressive principles of the Code are:

Crimes and punishments should be stipulated in the Criminal Code (Article 1 of the 1985 Criminal Code). That means any violation of the law which is not specified as a crime in the Code won’t constitute a crime. This principle prevents the abuse by the legal officers in tracking down the citizen’s criminal responsibility, thus making important contributions to the protection of their free and democratic rights.

No-one should be considered guilty and punished without an effective verdict of the Court (article 10, the 1989 Criminal Code). This principle implies that in Viet Nam, only the court has the right to decide whether a citizen is guilty or not guilty, and that in the process of investigation and trial, the citizen’s legitimate rights and interests should be respected; forced admission under whatever forms is prohibited.

It is clear that Viet Nam’s Criminal Law is not only instrumental in punishing the criminals, but what’s more important, it is to protect the State interests, and the citizen’s legitimate rights and interests as well. This objective is contained in numerous legal regulations of Viet Nam’s Criminal Law. For instance, on punishment, Article 20 of the Criminal Code confirms: "Punishment is not only for the sake of punishment, but helps to re-educate the criminal to become a useful and law-abiding person in the society, and to prevent him/her from committing new crimes. It is also aimed at educating others to respect law, prevent and fight against crimes". Article 21 of the Criminal Code details the forms of punishment:

bulletreprimand
bulletfine
bulletEducation
bulletImprisonment
bulletImprisonment
bulletDeath Sentence

Half of the above-mentioned forms are not physical punishment. Further studies will reveal that Reprimand, Fine and Education are included in most of the articles on crimes in the Criminal Code. It shows the humanist nature of Viet Nam’s law. After the Review of 14 year implementation of the Criminal Code (1985-1995) and 10 year implementation of the Criminal Procedure (1989-1999), the National Assembly is now deliberating on their modification in the direction of expanding the application of reprimand, fine and education while lightening the punishment for some crimes and limit the number of crimes that deserve death sentence. But for the crimes against others’ life, health, dignity and pride, and other democratic rights of the citizen are still severely punished. And equally, in the Modified Criminal Code, the crime against peace, waging wars of aggression (article 277), the crime against humanity (article 278), the war crime (279) and the recruitment of mercenaries and serving as mercenaries (article 280) deserve the highest punishment- death sentence as the State of Viet Nam considers that they are extremely dangerous crimes.

From what was presented above, we can confirm that peace is boldly reflected in Viet Nam’s legal system. Safeguarding peace, fostering relations of friendship and cooperation among peoples, protection of and respect for freedom, democracy, equality, the right to life and to aspire for happiness is the consistent guideline and policy of the Communist Party and the State of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam./.

Footnote.

Ho Chi Minh, Collected Works, Volume 4. The National Political Publishing House, 1995, p.4 1946 Constitution of the Democratic Republic of Viet Nam.

D. PRESIDENT HO CHI MINH - GLORIFIED SYMBOLE OF THE CULTURE OF PEACE

Professor Song Thanh, Director of Ho Chi Minh Institute,
Ho Chi Minh National Academy for Political Sciences

President Ho Chi Minh was venerated by UNESCO as a National Hero and an Outstanding Man of Culture. A Culture of Peace is among his contributions to the humankind's treasure. This has long been realized and recognized all over the world. In February 1958, the late Prime Minister of India J. Nehru said: "The world today is going through a crisis, a psychological one. What's needed now is a peaceful, friendly and fraternal approach. Dr. Ho represents that approach" 1.

Peace is an earnest aspiration of the entire humankind. Those who suffered most from the losses in the war would be most longing for peace.

In their history of national construction and defense, the Vietnamese people had continuously faced powerful aggressors coming from different continents. The Vietnamese people's glorious triumphs in their history of fighting foreign aggressions not only reflected the force of patriotism, the undauntedness for independence and freedom, but the people's tradition of humanity, tolerance and earnest will for peace as well.

In the war of resistance against the Sung aggressors, when the enemy was in a desperately cornered position, it was Ly Thuong Kiet who stood for a "cease-fire negotiation", providing a way-out for the enemy so as to end the war to "save more sacrifices for our soldiers while still preserving the ancestors' cause".

By the same token, when the Ming aggressors were "so desperate that they took off their cuirasses to surrender", Le Loi and Nguyen Trai also "spared their lives", providing them with "hundreds of boats, thousands of horses" to go home. As for us, what's important was the "safety of our soldiers and people". It was a gesture of clemency and humanity that was unique and unprecedented, aimed at fostering a "long-lasting peace".

It was told in our folklore treasure of the talented and humanistic hero Thach Sanh who didn't drive the enemies back with the mere force of arms, but with a musical instrument trumping of peace, and when they accepted to withdraw, he fed them full with his little magic cooking vessel.

President Ho Chi Minh inherited that age-long tradition of tolerance, friendship and humanity, and developed it to a new level to become the culture of peace in a new age.

Symbol of Viet Nam's Will for Peace

President Ho Chi Minh started his political cause with a gesture of peace: he presented the 8-point petition to the 1919 Versailles Peace Conference, demanding the right to minimum freedom and democracy for the Vietnamese people. The Petition, modest in content as well as in form didn't catch the eyes of the imperialist powers. From that experience, he came to the conclusion that "to be emancipated, the peoples should only rely upon themselves, upon their own strength". After finding out the authentic way for national salvation and liberation, he returned home to "go into the masses, awakening them, organizing them, uniting them, training them and leading them in the struggle for freedom and independence".

President Ho Chi Minh once wrote: "The colonialist regime is, on its own account, violence of the strong against the weak". Therefore, "in the struggle full of hardships against the enemies of the class and the nation, it is necessary to resort to revolutionary violence against reactionary violence, to seize power and to defend the new regime".

But of the two solutions, i.e. revolutionary and reactionary ones, Ho Chi Minh always set as priority to follow the way of peace, negotiation and dialogues with sincerity and understanding.

Before leading our people to stand up in a general uprising to seize power, in the context of the then balance of power, Ho Chi Minh had twice presented the 5-point proposal to the French government through J. Saintenie, head of the French intelligence office (i.e. M 5) in Kon Ming, China: one in July 1945 and the other on 18 August 1945, just one day before the insurrection in Hanoi. In his proposal, Ho Chi Minh accepted a universal election to select a parliament headed by a Frenchman. After five or ten years at the latest, France should return complete independence to Viet Nam together with its natural resources. France would be justly compensated for and would enjoy economic privileges...

J. Saintenie received the message, passed it on to France, but Paris kept silent. Being insensible, De Gaul Government had missed an opportunity to respond to a proposal which J. Saintenie later described as "rather modest and completely acceptable".

With sufficient political and armed force and seizing the right opportunity, Ho Chi Minh led the Vietnamese people to launch the great successful August Revolution. As taking place in a very short duration, with least bloodshed, it could be called a peaceful revolution.

On September 2, 1945, on Ba Dinh Square, Ho Chi Minh read the Declaration of Independence, announcing the birth of the Democratic Republic of Viet Nam. He wrote in the opening line of the Declaration: "men were all born to be equal. Creator endowed them with inviolable rights, including the right to life, to freedom and to aspire for happiness". That was also the pronouncement of peace of our nation in a new age, because the first fundamental right of a human being and a people is the right to life while war means destruction and violation of that sacred right.

But only three weeks after Viet Nam's announcement of independence, under the protection of the British army, the French returned with their powerful military forces to enslave our people once again. In the course of the French-Vietnamese conflict, Ho chi Minh always chose the peaceful solution: ready to accept compromises and concessions only to avoid a war that would bring so much sufferings to both peoples.

In October 1945, in a letter addressing the Frenchmen in Indochina, he wrote: "Too much of humankind's blood had been shed. Peace, a genuine peace relied on equability and democratic ideals should replace war. Freedom, equality and fraternity should be realized in all countries without any discrimination against race and color". Therefore he chose and persistently followed the peaceful solution by signing with the French the March 6th, 1946 Agreement in exchange for the withdrawal of the Chiang forces from Viet Nam. With a constructive attitude and regardless of the treacherousness and danger, he went even to the French Capital to seek peace. Unfortunately that good-will was not reciprocated. The Fonteinebleau Conference broke down. He then tried to open a post-Fonteinebleau meeting, leading to the signing of the September 14th, 1946 Modus Vivandus which included only unqualified principles as he wanted to rely on it to further negotiations early in the following year.

When the French stepped up provocation, pushing tensions to the extreme, Ho Chi Minh still stated on 13 December 1946: "My people and I earnestly want peace. We don't want war... We want to avoid this war at all costs... But if they force it on us, then we'll have to resist. We know without any doubt what's awaiting us... Anyhow, I wish we won't have to resort to that kind of solution".

Until the time when our people were forced to take up arms, he wouldn't drop the banner of peace, but continued to write letters, sending appeals to the French Government, Parliament and people, calling them to stop the war and restore peace. It was J. Saintenie who "face to face with Ho Chi Minh" had to admit: "If Ho could have reached his objective without having firing a shot or any bloodshed, he would surely have been the happiest man in the world".

Only in the wake of their continuous military defeats, particularly those in Dien Bien Phu, and facing numerous difficulties in all fields were the war-mongers in the French political circle forced to sit down to negotiations in Geneva. As longing for peace, Viet Nam accepted a compromise which didn't reflect the balance of power in the battle field.

The French withdrew, and the Americans jumped in. Arrogant of their "unimaginable" military strength, they thought they would be able to hammer down the Vietnamese people's will for peace in independence and freedom. But the Americans had to eventually spend twice as much time as the French did, with colossal waste in terms of human life and money to be able to come to a bitter realization that weapons and technology didn't win over the human will. It was when they were bogged down in Viet Nam, President Ho chi Minh with the goodwill of peace stated: Viet Nam was ready to unroll the red carpet for the GI's to go home if the United States pledged to respect Viet Nam's independence, unification, sovereignty and territorial integrity.

In short, President Ho Chi Minh and the Vietnamese people earnestly longed for peace, not peace at any price but peace in conformity with justice and democracy; a peace based on independence and freedom as Ho Chi Minh had stated: "Genuine peace could never be separated from freedom and real independence of a nation".

Embodiment for Viet Nam's Spirit of Tolerance and Humanitarianism

Tolerance and humanitarianism means a respectful attitude towards and a generous view of others' different values (relative to race, religion, faith, political views, philosophy... and qualities of each individual...). In other words, cultural tolerance is an attitude towards the harmony in differences so as to co-exist and develop in peace. As the United Nations Secretary General Jaimes Peres Des Cuijars once said: "We have little time left on this world. We therefore should live together in peace". So it is possible to consider tolerance as the cultural foundation of peace.

President Ho Chi Minh confirmed: "Our people are rich in sympathy and humanity". It was he who inherited and developed Viet Nam's spirit of tolerance to new qualities and height to become the Ho Chi Minh spirit of tolerance and humanitarianism.

The Ho Chi Minh Tolerance

has combined his superior conscience with those of the nation and the era to reach the harmony between the individual, the nation and the humankind. In Ho chi Minh, peace and independence for his own people mean peace and independence for all peoples; national liberation must lead to the liberation of the entire human society and humankind. That is the highest and most universal values of tolerance.

The Ho Chi Minh Tolerance

has combined humanity with wisdom; that is between hearty feelings and clear-reasoning, thus overcoming the shortcomings and limitations of the traditional tolerance (e.g. Taoist class strata, submissiveness of Buddhist tolerance...).

The Ho Chi Minh Tolerance

relies on humanity, but it is a ingenuous and principled humanity with justice as its foundation, hence the determination to oppose those acts and actors that violate the interests of the community, trample upon justice, democracy, the people's right to life, to freedom and to aspire for happiness.

The Ho Chi Minh Tolerance

means a respectful attitude towards all cultural values of the humankind, an acceptance of equitable exchange and dialogue aimed at harmony and development.

Cultural discrimination is alien to Ho Chi Minh. In the war of resistance against the French, he still loved and praised the French culture. In the war against the Americans, he still extolled their tradition of independence and freedom. He himself was the crystallized quintessence of the humankind's culture, the East and West Culture.

In a world of cultural symbiosis, where there is the exchange between the common and the individual, between the similarity and the difference, the Ho Chi Minh tolerance is the acceptance of dialogues on values, the search for the common and the humanity. Ho Chi Minh said: "Though peoles are different in their customs, they are similar in one thing: the love for the good and the hatred for the evil".

Being a practical diplomat, a master of negotiations, Ho Chi Minh knew how to find the common denominator for all negotiations. He told the French: "The Vietnamese and the French all believe in freedom, fraternity and independence"."Confucious and Western philosophies both extol an ethical principle: Don't force upon others what you don't want. You love France and want it to be independent... Then we should be allowed to love our country and want it to be independent as well!...What you consider your ideal should be ours also". That is why his argument was so convincing.

As for religions, Ho Chi Minh honestly respected the religious people's faith, praised the noble life, ethical and humanitarian values of their founders; he never criticized or denied them, but instead skillfully channeled them into the objective of national liberation and people's aspiration for happiness.

As for the people, he urged them to unite themselves. "A hand has five long and short fingers... Among millions of people, there should be some different ones. For those misled fellow-countrymen, we should convert them with affections". Even with those on the opposition, Ho Chi Minh showed an attitude of tolerance and unique generosity when they landed in desperate circumstances or repented their crimes.

Viet Nam has a multi-ethnic culture. Having a profound knowledge of and a respectful attitude towards the different cultural features of the brotherly ethnic groups, President Ho Chi Minh succeeded in combining them into the diversity, richness and attraction of Viet Nam's culture.

In short, the Ho Chi Minh cultural tolerance is an integrated whole of the soul, the virtue and the wisdom, fostered on a high-level culture, successfully combining feelings with wisdom, cognizance with actions, affection with struggle, which indicates a new development of Viet Nam cultural tolerance.

In today's world, the cold war is over, but the humankind is still living in a "hot peace". Bloody wars, ethnic and religious conflicts are taking place elsewhere. Lacking of a cultural tolerance, they consider themselves unequaled, leading to prejudice and discrimination against anything that is not theirs! In the same vein, some powerful forces are trying to abuse the human "universal values" to impose upon other peoples those alien to their cultural traditions. Unable to convince them, they are ready to resort to the force of arms in an attempt to bring them to submission. International terrorism is threatening the right to life, to happiness in peace, freedom, independence in line with one's ideals and cultural traditions.

Against this backdrop, education, fostering and developing the spirit of tolerance become an urgent requirement, and the example set by Ho Chi Minh is referred to as a typical value characterizing the XXI culture- the Culture of Peace.

Herald of Peace and Friendship among Peoples

As early as the 1920's, when he was still traveling around to seek ways for national salvation, Nguyen Ai Quoc-Ho Chi Minh lived, worked and contacted people and politicians from big powers like the United States of America, Great Britain, France, Russia, Germany, Italy... to countries and peoples under colonialism in Asia, Africa and Latin America. Nguyen Ai Quoc was therefore considered as the one who laid the founding stone for the friendship between the Vietnamese and other world peoples.

The peoples throughout the world were well aware of his sixty-odd years as an activist. He fought not only for independence and freedom of his own people, but for the happiness and dignity of other oppressed peoples as well. Nguyen Ai Quoc's Indictment of Colonialism went far with its repercussion, helping to awaken the oppressed peoples around the world to stand up and fight for their own emancipation.

Nguyen Ai Quoc was the first one from a colony to take part in the founding of the proletarian party in a "mother country" and to contribute to the formulation of correct guidelines for the French Communist Party vis-a-vis colonial issues.

In 1921, together with others from different colonies living in France, he founded the Colonies' Union and Le Paria as its newspaper (1922).

Since mid-1923, Nguyen Ai Quoc worked in Moscow, making active contributions to the activities by the Communist International and its mass organizations, i.e. the International Peasants' Union, the International Youth Union, the International Workers' Red Union...

At the end of 1924, Nguyen Ai Quoc returned to Kwangchou, China, jointly founding the Oppressed Peoples' Union (1925). In his capacity as member of the Oriental Branch and member of the Presidium of the International Peasants' Union, he made worthy contributions to the revolutionary cause of the Chinese people and other peoples in Southeast Asia.

After the Vietnamese people under his leadership wrested back their independence, President Ho Chi Minh consistently taught them how to combine profound patriotism with pure internationalism, national strength with that of the time to form in practice a Front of World Peoples in support of the Vietnamese people against foreign aggression, thus contributing to the final and complete victory in their struggle for national independence and reunification.

President Ho Chi Minh headed many visits of friendship to the brotherly socialist countries, to neighboring Southeast Asian countries as India, Burma and Indonesia... Wherever he went, he expressed the heart-felt feelings of the Vietnamese people and their earnest aspiration for a life in peace, independence, democracy and prosperity, for "having friendly relations with all peace-loving peoples throughout the world". Wherever he went, he was most warmly welcome as the herald of peace and friendship.

Ho Chi Minh had dedicated all his life to the ideals of fraternity, solidarity, peace and friendship among peoples. He became the symbol of pure internationalism:

"All oceans belong to the same family,
All peoples, yellow, black, white and Indians are brothers and sisters".

Ho Chi Minh was venerated by UNESCO as an "Outstanding Man of Culture" because his ideals embody the peoples' wish to reaffirm their national identity and symbolize the aspiration to promote mutual understanding. It can as well be said that Ho Chi Minh is the Glorified Symbol of the Culture of Peace, the Culture of the XXI Century./.

_______________________________

1. Welcoming speech on Feb. 7, 1958. Quoted from Nhan Dan Newspaper on 11 Nov. 1989.
2. Stele at Linh Xung Pagoda, Ly Dynasty
3. Tran Dan Tien: Stories about President Ho's life as an Activist. Literature Publishing House, Hanoi, 1970, page 30.
4. Tran Dan Tien, ibidem, p. 49
5 and 6. Ho Chi Minh: Collected Works, National Political Publishing House, Hanoi, 1995, Volume 1, pp. 96-97
7. Ho Chi Minh, ibidem, volume 4, pp.66-67
8. Ho Chi Minh, ibidem, volume 4, p. 473
9. J. Saintenie: An Agreement with a Tomorrow. Planete d'Action Magazine. March 1970, p. 101 (French version).
10. Ho /chi Minh, ibidem, volume 11, p. 543
11. Ho chi Minh, ibidem, volume 4, p. 160
12. Ho Chi Minh, ibidem, volume 4, p. 350
13. Ho Chi Minh, ibidem, volume 4, pp. 65 and 458
14. Ho Chi Minh, ibidem, volume 4, pp. 490 and 246
15. Ho Chi Minh, ibidem, volume 12, p. 130
16. Outline for Diary of the Shipwrecked (not the lost original version).

E. VIETNAMESE WOMEN AND PEACE

by Mrs Dao Thi Nhien, Member of the Presidium of the Viet Nam Women’s Union
Director of the Viet Nam Women’s Museum

To live in peace is everyone's wish. Talking of peace would bring back memories of war's brutalities. And women would come into the picture whenever peace is mentioned as the two have close links. Women play a vanguard role in Peace Movement; they are the activists in the struggle for the protection of peace. And by the same token, women's advancement is only assured when they enjoy a life in peace. Furthermore, women and peace, and social progresses are closely related in a sense that social progresses are made on the foundation of peace. And social progresses should be considered along with women's advancement. So it can be said that Women's Advancement is the Measurement of Social Progresses. This relationship is recognized in paragraphs 18 and 28 of the Fourth World Summit on Women in Beijing, which read to the effect that peace for all communities, nations, regions and the world could be achieved and is closely related with women's advancement, as the women constitute the fundamental force for leadership, to settle conflicts and promote long-lasting peace at all levels. Participants in the Summit are determined to take positive steps to ensure peace and women's advancement, to recognize women's vanguard role in Peace Movement.

Like their counterparts in other countries the world over, the women of Viet Nam always long for peace, equality, progress and development. Furthermore, as being born and growing up in a country with continuous wars, with eleven centuries against aggressions and domination by the northern feudal dynasties, and one century against aggression and domination by the European colonialists, Asian militarists and American imperialists, the women of Viet Nam fully understand what it is like to live under foreign domination, to suffer numerous sacrifices in the wars and to live in peace and national independence.

Peace-loving Tradition of the Vietnamese Women as shown in the struggles against foreign aggression for national liberation and for life in peace, independence, freedom, equality, prosperity and happiness

The Vietnamese women were the vanguard force in the uprisings and insurrections against the 11 centuries-long brutal domination by the northern feudal dynasties for national liberation and for life in peace, prosperity and happiness

In 221 BC, the people of Au Lac (now Viet Nam) were leading a peaceful life when the Northern Qin dynasty started attacking their country. By 179 BC under the Zhao Dynasty, they completed their invasion of Au Lac. This was a turning point in the history of this country as the free people became slaves of the foreign aggressors. The Northern invaders set up their ruthless domination, especially when the Han Dynasty defeated the Zhao Dynasty in 111 BC and continued to dominate our country. The people were brutally exploited, forcibly going up into the jungle or down to the deep sea to fetch ivory, hippo's horns or pearls for the aggressors. The latter resorted to cultural assimilation by abolishing all customs and laws of the Vietnamese people, forcing them to follow the way of northern life style. The women were despised, being men's slaves. They were deprived of the right to be respected. They had only the right to be subservient, not to be heard. Under foreign domination, the Vietnamese women's dignity was trampled underfoot. Freedom, democracy were alien to them while abject poverty was their companion. They wondered what they should do to preserve their language, their customs, their life style? What they should do to preserve their national identity? to live in peace without violence and oppression? and to be equal to men? They came to the conclusion that losing one's country meant losing all and when one's country was lost, one's family was safe no more. That was why in the course of eleven centuries, the women of Viet Nam took the initiative to organize and lead many nation-wide uprisings and insurrections against the northern aggressors for national liberation and freedom.

The first uprising of this kind was in 40 AD (the Year of the Mouse). The two sisters, Trung Trac and Trung Nhi led patriotic forces in a determination to defeat the foreign invaders. Within a very short time, the uprising was successful throughout the country, setting up a landmark in the history of the Vietnamese people. How come a people labeled by the northern feudal as the "barbarians" could bring down a 200 year-long domination by a powerful dynasty of the time? How come the women looked down by the society could lead the insurgents with 30 women generals in an uprising which spread out across 65 districts? The answer is it was the burning aspiration by the Vietnamese people, particularly women, to live in peace, independence, freedom and happiness. That was the tradition of peace, affections, unity, respect and sharing which lasted for thousands of years in this country.

To live in peace, equality and social progress, the Vietnamese women accepted sacrifices in a long war of resistance against the aggressions by the European colonialists, Asian militarists and American imperialists from mid-19 to the later end of the 20 century.

In this span of time, continuous aggressions by the French colonialists, Japanese militarists, Chiang Kei Sheik Nationalists and American imperialists caused untold sufferings to the people of this country. It can be said after Nguyen Trai that the bamboo on Truong Son Range are not enough to record their crimes, and the water from the Red and Mekong rivers are not enough to wash away the blood stains from their hands. The Vietnamese people and women stood up to face these powerful aggressors. They accepted sacrifices just to wrest back national independence and freedom for a life in peace, prosperity and happiness.

In the war of resistance against the French colonialists, in Northern part of Viet Nam alone, by 1952 there had been 840,000 militiawomen of whom 60,000 were killed in action. In the Southern part of Viet Nam, by 1950 there had been 140,000 militiawomen , of whom 20,000 were killed in action. In the two wars of resistance against the French colonialists and American imperialists, out of 138,000 volunteers, there were 70,000 women of whom 2,000 were killed in action, tens of thousands of others wounded or fell victims to Agent Orange. Out of 13 heroes of the Volunteers Force, 10 women were awarded post-humously. Of the three living heroes, 2 are women. Hundreds of thousands of women were imprisoned, 36,000 women for the period from 1955 to 1965 alone. They were subject to all kinds of barbarous torture, thousands of them being tortured to death or killed. What was the strength that helped them stand these trials? Is it again their aspiration for national independence, freedom, peace and happiness? The answer is yes. Their body was in prison, but their mind was outside with their people. Many women while in prison embroidered handkerchiefs with pairs of pigeons (symbol of peace) and sent them outside to tell their comrades that for a life in peace, independence, freedom, the women of Viet Nam were ready to face all kinds of torture by the enemy, to accept sufferings and sacrifices.

Also in the course of the two wars mentioned above, 40,556 women were awarded the "Viet Nam's Mother Hero" title, amongst them being Mother Nguyen Thi Thu of Dien Thang village, Dien Ban District, Quang Nam Province, who had 11 family members (9 sons, one son-in-law and one grandson) died for the national cause. Many other mothers had from three to eight family members killed in action, and some of the mothers sacrificed themselves for the revolution.

The Women of Viet Nam and the Culture of Peace

From the concept of a Culture of Peace by UNESCO, I think of those pre-requisites for the building of a Culture of Peace:

bulletThe country concerned is not involved in wars and should really enjoy national independence and freedom. It is not invaded or culturally dominated by foreign forces and it should not invade any other country.
bulletThe country has freedom, democracy, equality, respect of human rights, prosperity, happiness, unity among ethnic minorities, groups of people and individuals.

There have been enough conditions to build a Culture of Peace in Viet Nam since 1975. But as a poor country, savaged by the wars, it is not easy to do it overnight. However, it can be said that with their tradition of peace and with special attention by the Party and the Government, even in the war time, some contents of a Culture of Peace had become great concerns of the Vietnamese people and women. The women of Viet Nam play an important role in the preservation and bringing into full play the national identity in a culture of peace. This has been testified in the course of a thousand years of foreign domination. The Vietnamese were resistant to the northern aggressors' attempt of cultural assimilation. The Vietnamese women had brought up their future generations along the authentic Vietnamese tradition to preserve their own language, customs, life style, and above all, their cultural identity.

In reference to the Vietnamese women, mention should be made of the Vietnamese Women's Union (VNWU), as it plays a role in the process of building a culture of peace in Viet Nam.

Since 1930, in each historical period, the VNWU has mobilized and brought into full play the strength of all women's strata in nation-wide revolutionary movements and actions, thus making worthy contributions to the struggle for national independence and reunification, for national reconstruction and defense of national sovereignty, and for the building of a culture of peace in Viet Nam.

At present, the VNWU indulges itself in numerous activities aimed at achieving the objectives set forth by the 8th National Congress of Women. That is to unite and mobilize all women to bring into full play their potentials, creativeness and good virtues in order to improve the material as well as spiritual life, to upgrade their knowledge, protect the equality between men and women, thus contributing to national industrialization and modernization, to the building and defense of the country. It is also to steadily develop the contingent of women cadres in the fields of state and social management, to build up a strong army of the VNWU's officials equal to the task of representing the legal interests of the Vietnamese women.

These objectives have been concretized in 5 plans of action and 2 movements dealing with women's issues in the renovation process. One of the issues is poverty and hunger reduction, job creation to generate incomes, because only when hunger is erased and poverty alleviated can equality, development and peace be achieved.

For over ten years of comprehensive renovation, the VNWU has made great contributions to hunger and poverty reduction, job creation to generate incomes for women. Hunger and poverty percentage is reduced nation-wide, thus contributing to social equality and development. Just take as an example the results of the "Women's Mutual Assistance to Develop Household Economies" Movement launched in 26 provinces in April 1999.

women from well-off families provided 15,974 women from poor households with loans without interest worth of 3,728,413,000 dongs and 704 ounces of gold as seeding fund, 14,393 animals, 154,648 kilograms of rice, 35,661 work-days, 109,947 kilograms of fertilizers, 4,864 kilograms of subsidiary food, 40,661 kilograms of animals' food, etc...

In the pre-harvest time, there is food shortage and hunger in many households. But in the sharing spirit, the women assisted these households. As in the reports from 8 provinces, in April 1999, 4,567 women were assisted with 13,989,000 dongs and 21,029 kilograms of rice.

From the objectives set forth by the 8th National Congress of Women and the results of the 5 plans of action and 2 Movements, it can be firmly said that the VNWU and the women of Viet Nam have made significant contributions to the building of a culture of peace in Viet Nam and in the world.

Viet Nam is still a poor country, with per capita GDP averaging at 220 US dollars per year. But we can say that the Vietnamese people have build for themselves a traditional culture of peace along the pattern of "honesty even when you are hungry", "the leaves protecting the broken ones" and as in the teaching that has been passed down from generations to generations:

"As sharing the same trellis,
The calabash should love the cucurbis."

The women of Viet Nam have made important contributions not only to the culture of peace in this country, but to that of the humankind as well. Since 1946, the VNWU has joined the International Union of Democratic Women, and then a number of other regional and international women's organizations that follow the objectives of Peace, Equality and Development.

The women of Viet Nam earnestly long for peace and wish to live in independence, freedom and happiness. They have participated in healing the war wounds, rebuilding the country, settling the differences within communities, reconciliation and prevention of violence. In the process of renovation, they are active participants in initiating friendship and cooperation with people and women of the international community in their endeavor for peace, independence and development, for the happiness of women and children.

Conclusions

The Culture of Peace is one with rich and interesting content. I sincerely believe that all nations in this world wish to have it. But it is not easy to have the culture of peace worldwide because the war and aggression are still going on elsewhere, violence being present in the society and even in the family, and there are still unequality, hunger and poverty...

But I am confident that the decision by the United Nations to launch the Year 2000 as the International Year for a Culture of Peace and to encourage all nations to actively participate in building the culture of peace will be met with sympathy and support as the entire humankind wishes to lead a life in Peace, Equality and Development./.

F. HANOI - A CITY OF THE CULTURE OF PEACE

by Dr Luu Minh Tri, Vice Chairman, Hanoi People's Committee

Distinguished Guests,
Ladies and Gentlemen,

It is my great pleasure on behalf of the Hanoi People's Committee to attend this National Workshop on a Culture of Peace organised by the Viet Nam National Commission for UNESCO in coordination with the Capital City of Hanoi.

I am very pleased to learn of the decision by the UNGeneral Assembly to launch the year 2000 as the International Year for a Culture of Peace. And our gathering here today is just another virtual activity in response to that decision.

This is an interesting coincidence: the Year 2000 is also when we commemorate the 990th birthday of the Capital City of Hanoi. This means a lot to us as it conforms with Viet Nam's national tradition of love and aspiration for peace. At this moment, Hanoi is included in the list of cities standing for "UNESCO's Prize- the City of Peace".

We are living in the last years of the XX century, at the threshold of the next one. The year 2000 will be an important landmark for the next millennium. The launching of the year 2000 as the International Year for a Culture of Peace assumes further significance as it will guide the humankind's views and actions for noble objectives, for the burning aspiration of the entire progressive population. That is culture. And that is peace.

Distinguished Guests,
Ladies and Gentlemen,

In the course of their long history, the Vietnamese people as well as the Hanoians have consistently striven, diligently worked and aspired for peace so as to be able to build a prosperous nation, a happy life; but at the same time they have had to face natural disasters and foreign aggressions. To defend their national independence and territorial integrity, to ensure a happy life and communal solidarity, they have had to struggle against the former, and to take up arms to fight against the latter.

Legend has it that it was here on the water of the former Blue-water Lake (now Sword-returned Lake), after defeating foreign aggressors, King Le Thai To had himself returned the magic sword to the Golden Turtle dwelling in the Lake in the aspiration for peace and national stability.

Similar stories could be heard anywhere around Thang Long-Ha Noi. It serves as a vivid testimony to Viet Nam's age-old culture reeked of humanitarianism. Despite the harshness of time, the ruthless destruction of wars, the historical and cultural heritage could be found in every inch of Hanoi soil. Here stand Dai Nghien (the Inkwell Stand) and Thap But (the Pen Tower) reflecting on the lake and reaching up to write into the sky. There looks magnificent Van Mieu-Quoc Tu Giam (the Literature Temple and first National University) that trained the talents for the nation, which depicts Viet Nam's tradition of morality of respect for education, for teachers, upholding national culture full of humanitarianism. Chua Mot Cot (the One-Pillar Pagoda) designed after the symbol of a lotus reaching high from the mud reflects the qualities of the Vietnamese people. Only these few examples suffice to show the uniqueness of the culture of Viet Nam, and of Hanoi.

If today's discussion is on a Culture of Peace as all the values, attitudes and conducts which show the respect for life, for human beings and their personalities, for human rights; the rejection of violence under whatever forms; the faithfulness to the principles of freedom, justice, solidarity, tolerance and mutual understanding among peoples, groups of people and individuals, then I wish also to reaffirm that there is a Culture of Peace deep down in the qualities and the soul of the Vietnamese people, and of the Hanoians.

The reason for Ly Thai To's decision to move the capital in 1010 was "to choose a central location for the settlement of coming generations, which conforms to the Almighty above and to the people's wishes down under..." It was the King who saw here "...a convenient terrain with rivers in front, mountains at the back; the land is large and flat; the high land will not be flooded, ensuring prosperity..." The King's love for the people is a testimony to the respect for life, for the human beings and their personalities.

Nguyen Trai (Uc Trai) was born in 1389 in the Kingdom City of Thang Long. He was a national hero, national as well as world "l'homme de culture". He embodied the soul and the qualities of the Viet Nam and of Hanoi. He and Le Loi glorified over the defeat of the Ming aggressors. He was also the man who wrote the famous Announcement on the Ming's Defeat" which was considered as the second Declamation of National Independence (the first being a poem called "the Rivers and Mountains of the Southern Nation" by Ly Thuong Kiet). He started the Announcement by saying "Humanity lies in the security of the people; so the first thing to do is to get rid of tyranny and violence". He had a profound hatred for criminal acts, rejected violence and stood for "Justice over tyranny; humanity over violence". When the aggressors were defeated, he granted clemency for them by sparing their lives. He said: "We should think of the soldiers and people first. They deserve it after the war". That is humanitarianism, the love for the people, the wish for friendship and tolerance.

The Culture of Peace has been crystalised and perpetuated in President Ho chi Minh who symbolises the personality of and the love by the Vietnamese people for freedom, peace and independence. It is not mere coincidence that when recognised Ho Chi Minh as "l'homme de culture" of the world, UNESCO reaffirmed: "President Ho Chi Minh embodies the Vietnamese people's thousand-year-long cultural traditions" and "His ideals symbolise the aspiration of the peoples for the confirmation of their own cultures".

President Ho Chi Minh's love for freedom, peace and national independence is an advance of culture in the modern direction, equally contributing to the reform of world culture for the working people's interests. Only those who have a profound knowledge of the qualities of the Vietnamese people and Viet Nam's Culture of Peace would be able to understand why President Ho Chi Minh started the Declaration of Independence by reciting the content of the American 1776 Declaration of Independence and the French 1791 Declaration of Human and Civil Rights. He announced to his own fellow countrymen and to the world that "Men were all born to be equal. The Creator invested in them inviolable rights, including the right to life, to freedom and to aspire for happiness". He further reaffirmed: "Men were born free and equal in rights". It is not mere coincidence that there was similarity between Nguyen Trai and Ho Chi Minh, who lived five centuries apart. As for the defeated enemy, Nguyen Trai stood for "humanitarianism and friendships" while President Ho Chi Minh was for "clemency and humanity".

It can be said that the ideas of the Culture of Peace have permeated into the Vietnamese people's minds. It embeds in all thoughts, feelings, the way of thinking, the working pattern... and even in simplistic yet refined hobbies of the Vietnamese people, and of the Hanoians.

The people of Hanoi and its neighborhood have an age-old custom of pigeons competitions. The birds are well known for their faithfulness to men, being called "nghia dieu" (faithful birds) by the Vietnamese. The humankind considers them as a symbol of peace. The birds are characterised by their team spirit. They live in couples, flying in flocks around the leader, manifesting their team spirit and fidelity. Our ancestors had created and maintained this hobby, just to uphold the collectiveness, unity, peacefulness, faithfulness and affections... and also to manifest the Vietnamese people's wishes and earnest aspiration for peace.

With these few comments and examples, we wish to testify to the high and profound development of a Culture of Peace in the souls and qualities of the Vietnamese people and of the Hanoians.

I wish to take the liberty to announce to you distinguished guests and participants that only one day after this Workshop, Hanoi will organise the traditional pigeons competition around Ngoc Son Temple on Hoan Kiem Lake. And during the competition, a Message of Peace from Hanoi, May 1999 will be announced. It is a specific and actual event to welcome the success of this Workshop. I wish to avail myself of this opportunity to invite you all to the competition to mingle with the Hanoians in their cultural festival of peace.

Distinguished Guests,
Ladies and Gentlemen

Our country, our Capital City have been through the ups and downs of history, making numerous great sacrifices in the wars. That is why we perfectly understand the sacred values of Peace and are determined to defend and to preserve peace. The people of Viet Nam and of Hanoi have considered the building and development of a Culture of Peace as a noble and sacred objective. The people of Hanoi therefore condemn NATO's military attacks against Yugoslavia. We wish that peace will soon be restored there.

Hanoi, the Capital City of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam should be a city with a developed Culture of Peace. It should be a City of Peace.

We are confident that our future generations will benefit from the fruits of the Culture of Peace which we are today persistently striving for.

Thank you very much for your kind attention.

I wish you the best of health.

May the building and development of the Culture of Peace be successful!

May peace come to the entire humankind!

G. VIETNAMESE ASPIRATION FOR PEACE IN FOLKLORE

by Prof Dr To Ngoc Thanh, Secretary General,
Viet Nam Union of Literature and Arts Associations

Peace is the permanent wishes of Vietnamese peoples in its millenium history. These wishes are expressed as a fundamental content covering all folkloric expresions of all Vietnamese ethnicities. It also is the main cultural mentality regulating the behavours of the people in their relationship with nature,with society and with each individual. But this is a large topic which can not to present adequately in a short time. So we will present here only some typical cases.

1. Relationship between Man and Nature

In the past, the Vietnamese people did not have the concept of "environment" as we have nowadays. For them, apart from the human world there are other worlds. These worlds related to one another closely, particularly, impact and influence well or badly on the human world, because their members also souls and impactive capacities. Viet people-the major ethnicity in Viet Nam-in the past believed that the cosmos was divided into four worlds which combined with one another to become the cosmic entity. They called it "

Tø phñ C«ng §ång

" - "Four components worlds of cosmic entity".

Firstly, "

Th­îng giíi

" means the worlds located on the SKY. This world absolutely has nothing in common with the concept of "Paradise or Nirvada" of religions. It is the world where there occur natural phenomena such as rain, wind, thunder, lightning, sun and natural calamities as drought, solar and lunar eclipses, flood, etc... Mrs. SKY as the village's chief, controls Gods of wind, rain, thunder, bolt and orders to punish the human world with natural calamities. The Viet people imagines the Gods to be orginary people, but with gigantic statures and powerful capacities. The inhabitants of Th­îng Giíi also have sexuality as in the following folk song :

"If Mr. MOON is going to marry Ms. SKY

He has to propose her ritually in August

and hand in marriage in October"

Sometimes they also regarded as the Viet people's ancestors as in the following folk song :

"We are known everywhere

As we are Mr. Thunder's children, Mrs. Thunder bolt's grandchildren"

In the relationshipwith humans, apart from the function of providing natural ecological conditions for plants, animals and humans to grow up, th­îng giíi - the Sky world - also plays the role of supervising personalities and honest way of living of the human society. Everybody, especially kings, lords and chiefs of community, has to live a moral life, observe standards in personality of the society. Otherwise they will be "punished by Mrs. Sky with flood, drought, crop failure or epidemic diseases". Although the Sky worlds is believed to be true it has no own certain form.

The opposite the Sky world is the Earth in the opposition between Male (Sky) and Dermale (Earth) the combination of which guarantees the prosperity of human and nature forever. Due to diferent characteristics, the Earth is divided into three worlds. They connect closeky in an entity and integrate together in solidarity, respect and lultual understanding, but they are relatively independents of one another. they are the HUMAN WORLD, FOREST AND MOUTAIN WORLD, RIVER AND SEA WORLD OR WATER WORLD, all of them are set up on the Earth and the Human world is considered as the Center of them.

The Human world is in opposition to three orther worlds in SPACE. As for the TIME aspect, the Sky world is permanent while the two other worlds are also entities which change in the stream of time like the Human world. It is the cognition of time that leads the people to the concept of "two halves structure" of the Human world, by that, the first half belonging to the past, includes souls of their ancestors and the dead; and the second half is of the living at present. They are the invisible community of the ancestors and the visible community of the descendants.

The Forest and Moutain world is the territory of the plants, animals and rock. This also is the place where the people's ancestors were born and gathered, from where time by time they moved down to conques planins in process of sea backing since some thousands of years ago.

Being the people dcultivating water, the Vietnamese have both friendly and fear attitute toward water, because it is an important condition in cultivating rice. Out of four factors of rice cultivators' success as water - fertilizer - industry - good rice seeds, water ranks first. But due to being in the monsoon zone, so water has caused flood to people many times. And water also ranks first among four disasters in the Vietnamese's view : water-fire-theft-robbery.

It is interesting that the four worlds are ruled by rour Mother. They are the Sky Mother, Water Mother, Forest Mother and Earth Mother (or Human world's Mother). The nomination of the four Mother expresses the attentive and respectful attitute of Vietnamese people to the important role of the Mother in particular and to the women in general. This beautiful cultural behavour also is expressed in the naming river or moutain. The recent RED river in the North Viet Nam, in the past was named as MOTHER river. The MEKONG name pronounciated by the native language MEKONG and it means "the Mother of property". In Viet Nam, many mountains were named Mother Moutain with mean that it is the Place where the people was born and grow up. The rice is considered as son of Rice Mother. In autum the Vietnamese celebrate the midle- august ceremony during which the people eat fried green- rice considered as MILK OF RICE MOTHER.

Recognizing the environment as living worlds having the same attributes, of human world, the Vietnamese don't allow themselves to become "so called SUBJECT" to exploit and squeeze out the nature. On the contrary, the human world is considered as unseparated component of the dosmic entiry. So, the people have to establish friendly and mutual understanding relationship with the nature.

2. Relationship between Men and Men

Nowadays, there are 54 ethnic groups living in Viet Nam. They are belonging to different linguistic families such as Mon-Khmer, Austrosian, Malayo-Polinesian, Tibeto-Birman, etc... Thus, we can say the Vietnamese culture is multisourcial, multicolor. But it is common cognition expressing in the culture of all Vietnamese ethnic groups that they are descendants of the same ancestors. The Viet people beliefs at the begining of the creation of world the first mother had born a wrap containing one hundred egges and then become one hundred sons. Fifty sons follow the father moving toward the sea and become the ancestor of the recent Viet people. Fifty other ons follow the mother moving to the moutain area and become ancestors of recent minority ethic groups. The Thai - Tay people considered that at the moment of creation of the world Mrs. Sky cultivated a gourd each grain of which becomed the ancestor of one Vietnamese ethic group. The legendary flesh - and - blood relation created a closed and sustainable solidarity among 54 Vietnamese ethnic groups. And it explains why there was not any ethnic war in during millenium history of Viet Nam.

The consciousness of common blood resource also made the base to unit all dwellers of a community, a ethnic group, a descendance, a family in unity. The dwellers of each village share a common titulary genie. Each year, in the springtime, the villagers organize the spring ceremony to ferform various kinds of folkloric activities expressing the merit of the titulary genie.

The closed connection between insiders do not hinder them to express a friendly and mutural understanding relationship with different neighbours. That is why during our milleninum history we never conducted any aggressive war aothough more one time we were forced to carry the resstances against different invaders. Moreover, as the winner, we always delivered to the enemies our good behavour and tolerance.

In brief, some above - said examples show the wish of Vietnamese people for a peaceful life in which man and nature, man and men freindly live together, helping with one another in exsistance and development./.

H.

PEACE EDUCATION IN VIET NAM SCHOOLS

by Prof Dr Vu Ngoc Hai, Vice Minister,
Ministry of Education and Training
Vice President, VietNatcom for UNESCO

1. Nowadays the issue of peace has hall the more become necessary in the context of great changes of world situation. As UNESCO Director General, Federico Mayor said : "Peace does no more possibly be considered as an agreement between strong persons, as a favour sometimes being granted beneficence to some, lucky country but it is a social state which each citizen could contribute each time". Thus, the cause of peace has to be protected in everyday life at home, in the schools, in working place...

Spinoza has defined "Peace is a doctrine originating from mental force". It's necessary to educate schools pupils to possess "mental force" to help them to have capacity to strive and to exert according to the spirit of understanding, cooperation and peace. The school plays an extremely important role in peace education for school pupils.

Peace education for children is education of the mental co-operation which in its very assence is everyday behavioral manner of children towards all persons, works, events, community, fatherland and even this world. UNESCO has paid special attention to education of Peace for children. Therefore from the year 1995 to now there have been 7 culture of Peace festivals for children at sub-regional level every where in the world. Viet Nam has paid great attention to peace education and has successfully realised it.

2. The Overall Objectives of Peace Education in Viet Nam

bulletPeace education should be aimed at enhancing the awareness of the overall objectives, different types of behaviors, on that basis, peace education is established.
bulletThese values are integrated with the basis values that the world community acknowledge in "Unity in Diversity" in different social cultural circumstances.
bulletevaluating and choosing values, through the process of education to form the abilities of overcoming difficulties, prepare the citizens in terms of psychology and attitude so that they will have self esteem and responsibilities. All focuses on the contributions to the building of a "Rich people, powerful country, just and civilised society" society.
bulletEducation is also aimed at developing the capacity of perceiving and accepting the values of diversity and complexity existing in different individuals and societies, in the concern, sharing and co-operation between man and man.
bulletPE is aimed at nurturing the attitude of citizenship in the life of a diversified society, a multicultural world in which everybody are equal and respect one another, enhance the spirit of friendship and co-operation among individuals and nations in a peace world.
bulletThrough education, the subjects and other extra curricular activities, it is necessary to nurture the sense of respecting cultural heritage (tangible and untangle), protection of environment, ensuring the stability and sustainable development of individual dignity and collective values, immediate benefit and long-term benefit ensured.

3. Peace Education Strategies

bulletGeneral and systematic, including issues on peace, human right and democracy.
bulletApplying to all forms of education, to all different types of school.
bulletAssembling all social organizations including governmental, non-governmental organizations and other community organizations.
bulletPeace education must be conducted from local scope (commune, district, province) to the national and international scope.
bulletCreating favourable condition to develop creativeness of each locality, each school to a high degree, so that the peace education car deeply penetrate into each student, each citizen of the country.
bulletPeace education strategy must suited to the characteristics of age groups, learning ability of students the requirement content and form of peace education must be suited to each age group.
bulletThe result of peace education in school must be evaluated.

4. Peace Education Content

 

bulletPeace is necessary for each person, each family, each community and for the whole mankind depending on complete perception on the value of peace.
bulletInterdependent and dialectical relationship in solution of international issues, especially between peace protection and termination of armament race, disarmament, respecting independence, sovereignty of nations with education of citizen consciousness, human right.
bulletEducation of specific consciousness and behaviour in establishing person - person relationship in the society.
bulletEducation of consciousness and habits of maintaining and protecting natural environment, growth medium.
bulletKnowing to respect differences between various cultures, psychology of different nations in the world.
bulletEquipping understanding of the United Nations organization - an international organization that always struggles for peace and security on the earth.

5. Various Ways of Peace Education

5.1. Through teaching - learning of subjects, especially the subjects of Ethics and Citizen education.

5.2. Through extra - curricular activities.

6. Recommendations

bulletThe year 2000 is the International Peace Education year - Therefore the school have a peace education programme that would be compiled concretely.
bulletActivities in response to the International Peace Education year should be organized in various forms.
bulletOrganizing a Symposium of "Peace Culture Education of Vietnamese students". UNESCO is requested to support in financing expenditure to hold this symposium./.

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